Written: November 12, 1984
Published: November 13, 1984
Source: The Ethiopian Herald, 13 November 1984, p. 5
Digitalisation: East View
Proof-reading: Vishnu Bachani
HTML: Vishnu Bachani
Distinguished Heads of State and Government,
Honourable Delegates,
Honourable Secretary-General of the United Nations,
Guests and Comrades,
On behalf of the people, Party and Government of Ethiopia and on my own behalf, I welcome you, once again, to the 20th Summit of the Organisation of African Unity and proceed to present the report on the activities and efforts undertaken in our continent by our Organisation during the past eighteen months.
I trust that this occasion will afford us the opportunity to examine the complex and varied problems facing our continent in the traditional spirit of African brotherhood and understanding. This would enable us to reinforce our determination and resolve to score added victories for the peoples of Africa.
At a time when our common forum, our continental Organisation, is faced with challenging and disruptive problems, it behooves us to take up the agenda items of our summit with seriousness of purpose and breadth of vision to chart our common path of progress with genuine pride of our African heritage.
As the attention of both our enemies and friends is focused on our Summit, measuring up to the responsibilities reposed on us by history and by the entire people of Africa is indeed considerable.
Over and above ensuring the survival of our organization, this Summit is expected to adopt resolutions paving the way for our progress end development and endeavour for their effective implementation. Today, when the world is gripped by serious international tension, we believe that any concrete action by Africa will greatly contribute to enhance world peace end security.
Distinguished Leaders and Honourable Delegates,
The international situation has continued to be marked by mounting tension during the last eighteen months. It is a source of great concern to us all that this dangerous international climate of tension should be allowed to persist, thus compounding developments in our continent. A brief survey would, therefore, be in order.
In general, the main causes of the current tension in international relations are the stepped up arms race, the breakdown of the negotiations on arms limitations, particularly of sophisticated nuclear weapons, and the deceleration of the process of detente. The aggressive policy of imperialism and its interference in the internal affairs of countries in different continents have further aggravated the international situation.
Imperialism is openly and covertly engaged in the destabilisation of progressive governments in Africa, Asia and Latin America. It it also exacerbating situations elsewhere in the world.
If we consider the Middle East, the proposed International Conference in which all concerned parties participate to resolve the problem of the area in general, and the Palestinian question in particular, has not yet been held to this day. As this grave situation cannot continue for long the said International Conference will have to be convened without delay.
The Iraq-Iran war which has already been raging over a period of four years still continues to cause huge losses of life and wanton destruction of property. Nor are the consequences of the war confined to the warring parties, brothers killing each other, but are also spreading to affect third parties as well. This tragic situation demands urgent resolution before it becomes a serious threat to the region and world peace as a whole.
It is to be recalled that in 1964 the OAU Summit resolved to make Africa a nuclear-free zone. However, 20 years later, the racist regime in Pretoria hat attained nuclear capability with the cooperation and assistance of imperialist powers. Africa has repeatedly warned the world that this development is fraught with dangerous consequences not only to our continent but also to international peace and security as a whole.
It is many years now since our continental Organisation, the Non-Aligned Movement and the United Nations separately declared and subsequently reaffirmed the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. Today, however, Diego Garcia, as an imperialist base with stockpiles of nuclear weapons, constitutes a serious danger to our continent. The threat caused to the independence, peace and security of each and every African country by the nuclear capability of the racist Pretoria regime, coupled with the stockpiling of weapons of mass destruction at Diego Garcia are so grave that urgent end appropriate actions are called for. In this connection, we, once again, call on the parties which so far have been hampering the convening of the Indian Ocean Conference to desist from their obstruction. In this connection, we believe that our effort needs to be reinforced by the genuine cooperation, unrelenting struggle and unity of purpose of all peace-loving forces which are determined to uphold the progress of Africa and the well-being of humanity.
Distinguished Leaders,
Although there are other pressing international issues that merit consideration, I will nevertheless limit my focus on the following issues of particular concern to Africa.
Resolution 104 of the 19th Summit of the OAU, which aims at resolving the Western Sahara question through direct talks between Morocco and the Polisario Front, reflects the earnest desire of African leaders to find a lasting solution to the problem. We recall that Morocco and Polisario were asked to negotiate directly to reach a ceasefire agreement with a view to facilitate the exercise of the right to self-determination for the people of Western Sahara through a referendum to be conducted under the auspices of the OAU and the United Nations, free of any administrative and military pressure. By this resolution the Implementation Committee was also requested to ensure the implementation of the ceasefire.
In order to implement this resolution, consultations were held among members of the Implementation Committee as well as those parties directly or indirectly concerned with the issue. The Implementation Committee thus met in Addis Ababa from 21-22 September 1983.
The efforts made by the Western Sahara Implementation Committee and the current situation with regard to the question have been communicated to you in messages sent earlier. As the Committee is going to present its report to this Summit, it suffices to limit ourselves to general appraisal.
Following the resolution of our 19th Summit, a delegation headed by my Foreign Minister was dispatched at different times to Rabat, Algiers, Conakry, Lagos and Dakar. However, as Morocco did not show any disposition to change its stand, the efforts made have not yielded the desired results.
You may also recall that I had taken the liberty to apprise you of the progress of the various measures undertaken and sought your counsel and views. Subsequent actions based on the ideas you have suggested have proved similarly unproductive. As a result, Morocco still adheres adamantly to its previous position opposed to direct talks, while Polisario is, as before, ready for negotiations.
Unless African leaders are able to find an appropriate solution for the long-drawn-out problem of Western Sahara, it is obvious that it will continue to be a cause for bloodshed between African brothers and the destruction of property. In addition, it is also bound to endanger our continental Organisation, which is the basis of our unity. In the lasting interests of our continent's peace, the well-being and common prosperity of our peoples, we have to find an urgent solution to this problem. I, therefore, earnestly appeal, particularly to those directly concerned to demonstrate political will and a spirit of cooperation to seek peaceful ways for resolving the problem and to be bound by the resolutions adopted by the Organization.
Distinguished Leaders,
Another issue of concern during the past year was the conflict in Chad. While this conflict had been going on for a long time, it was further aggravated during the past year that, by attracting the intervention of outside forces, it has threatened African peace and security.
Following the mandate and responsibility entrusted to me by the 19th Summit, I held extensive exchanges of views with Chad's neighbours and others concerned with a view to seeking a solution to the raging civil war and instability in Chad. Moreover, the members of the Bureau of the 19th Summit convened in Addis Ababa from 15-16 July 1983. Based on common understanding after our deliberations, we held a meeting of the different Chadian factions, signatories of the Lagos Agreement, in order to bring about peace and national unity.
Before the reconciliation meeting was convened, however, a delegation, including the Acting Secretery-General of our Organization, was dispatched to Chad and other countries thought helpful in resolving the problem. We had also received messages from concerned quarters and extensive discussions were held. However, as I have stated at length in the letters I addressed to you at the time, the meeting of the Chadian factions could not achieve the expected results.
Nonetheless, I had to take additional measures regarding the resolution of the Chadian problem. In this connection, a delegation led by my Foreign Minister was sent to N'Djamena and the neighbouring countries to make further attempts, and I appealed to President Habré and all the other parties concerned to extend full cooperation to the recent efforts by the Congolese Leader, H.E. President Sassou-Nguesso.
Though the bloodletting in Chad seems to have subsided, the country is still gripped by a simmering crisis. The situation is still volatile. Foreign pressure is still strong and its people still divided. It is our hope that the decision made by France, Libya and Zaire to withdraw their forces from Chad will contribute to the attainment of peace.
The Chadian people realize better than anyone else that it was their disunity which had precipitated the intervention of outside forces. It may be recalled that the conflict in Chad had helped Africa's enemies to openly carry out their interventionist policy and to widen the rift between Chadians and the peoples of neighbouring African countries.
It is, therefore, evident that the problem of Chad is one of the major issues which this current session should extensively discuss and for which a lasting solution should be found. Since finding a solution to this problem would also contribute to the peace, stability and security of Africa as a whole, I urge the assembly to exert its best efforts towards finding a lasting solution to the conflict in Chad.
Distinguished Leaders,
As a result of the determined and protracted struggle we have waged for years, we Africans have succeeded in wiping out colonialism from most parts of our continent. For obvious reasons, however, the independence of Africa as yet remains incomplete.
In the Southern part of our continent, a good number of our brothers are still subjected to the most inhuman form of imprisonment and exile, banishment and murder by the racist regime. In the land of their birth, several South African opponents of the obnoxious system are still murdered. Renowned freedom fighters continue to languish for years in Pretoria's dreadful dungeons. The plight of freedom fighters and their families is worsening. The stepping-up of these harsh and oppressive measures notwithstanding, the struggle for freedom in South Africa and Namibia has, more particularly at this point in time, proved inexorable.
It is all too clear that the inhuman practices of apartheid are unmistakably directed against the peoples of South Africa and Namibia. In recognition of its degrading effects to human dignity, the international community has been expressing its solidarity with the peoples of South Africa and Namibia. It is to be recalled that condemned by the United Nations as a crime against humanity, numerous resolutions and decisions have been adopted against apartheid with a view to isolating the white minority regime. Those Western countries which are bound with the racist regime by economic interests have so far impeded implementation of these resolutions and decisions. Their sinister designs at winning respectability by the racist regime by the international community have, likewise, grown to despicable proportions.
Having bought time for the strengthening of the racist regime, these imperialist countries have now demonstrated in deeds that the objectives of the policies they pursue are, on the one hand, aimed at the continued plunder of the precious mineral resources of Namibia, while on the other, they strive to safeguard their so-called strategic interests.
As I expressed in my message on the occasion of the twenty-first anniversary of the founding of our Organization, the coordinated efforts of these imperialist countries towards the fulfillment of these policy objectives continue to grow by leaps and bounds.
In this respect, the efforts and contacts the racist regime is making to break out of its isolation is cause for deep and bitter anger of Africans. In my capacity as Current Chairman of our Organization, I have widely expressed these African feelings.
The so-called Constructive Engagement Policy pursued by the Reagan administration has contributed to further exacerbate the plight of the vast majority of the peoples of South Africa and Namibia by the strengthening of the apartheid system politically, economically, militarily, financially, and technologically.
Through the policy of divide and rule, the racist regime of Pieter Botha and its collaborators are attempting to further entrench apartheid. In purporting to be creating a seemingly democratic system, they are endeavouring to get acceptance for the apartheid regime.
In this connection, the recent spurious constitution drafted by the racist regime and adopted by a handful of whites is a case in point. This futile exercise by the racist regime is obviously designed to pit the coloureds and Indians against Africans and, as such, is no genuine power-sharing whatsoever.
In my capacity as Current Chairman of the Organisation of African Unity, not only have I tried to expose the motives underlying this futile exercise, but I have also made clear to the international community Africa's protest and rejection of this so-called constitution. I have also warned the international community of the dangers behind this sinister design.
We are gratified by the fact that the Security Council of the United Nations, convened at the request of African representatives, has rejected this phoney constitution as farcical. The majority of South Africa's coloureds and Indians have also expressed their solidarity with the black majority, who have been denied of all political rights, by boycotting the sham elections.
The policy pursued by the racist regime towards the Frontline States is also a matter deterring our undivided attention. The imperialist collaborators of South Africa are today creating nuclear capability for the racist Pretoria regime. Relying on these weapons of mass destruction and coupled with the threats of invasion, destabilisation and terrorization through other acts, the pressure it exerts on the Frontline States to force them to recognise and live with apartheid has assumed alarming proportions.
The rest of us should steadfastly join the Frontline States in their struggle to resist the injustice and pressure perpetrated against them by the racist regime, share the tribulations of our African compatriots, and, beyond mere verbal expressions and premises, translate in deeds the undertaking and pledge to which we are committed. At this juncture, however, I would like to caution all concerned that the manoeuvres of Pretoria should not in any manner deter us from the objectives of the struggle of our brothers and sisters in South Africa and Namibia.
The objectives underlying the so-called peace campaigns of the racist regime are not only very clear to us but were also recently confirmed by a spokesman of Pretoria. That Pieter Botha's regime still occupies parts of Angolan territory and continuously arms anti-people elements to commit acts of banditry and destruction against Mozambique and the other Frontline States amply demonstrate the fact that the racist regime has no intention whatsoever of abiding by the accords or the desire to live in peace and mutual respect.
The welcome extended last June to Pieter Botha by some imperialist countries, which too often profess condemnation against apartheid but are bound with the racist regime by other interests, is a tragic development designed to extricate the regime from isolation.
As Current Chairman of our Organisation, I have at the time sent messages to the leaders of the United Kingdom, the Federal Republic of Germany, Belgium, Austria, Switzerland, Portugal and France expressing to them Africa's apprehension and anxiety. Evidently, allowing the visit to take place was not only conferring honour on apartheid but also bestowing an aura of respectability on the perpetrator of the crime and further encouragement to the evil deeds of his regime. Moreover, by issuing successive release, I have endeavoured to express the strong opposition of the Governments and peoples of Africa to the visit and called upon the international community to do likewise.
We have also followed that, in the countries visited by Botha, we were able to witness that massive and angry protest demonstrations were staged by men and women of conscience and sections of society which stand for human rights and human dignity. In this connection, at this historic Summit we African leaders would like to renew our call on the international community to increase its assistance for the consolidation of the struggle against apartheid.
It is an open secret that an objective of all the overt and covert efforts of the apartheid regime and its collaborators is to impede Namibia's independence. In particular, we recall how difficult a task it was to expose all the sinister designs by the authors of the Constructive Engagement Policy on Namibia's independence.
The explosive situation obtaining today in South Africa compels us, more than ever before, to strengthen and rally Africa's support and assistance and that of the international community behind the heroic people of Namibia and its sole representative, SWAPO.
In order to enable the heroic people of Namibia attain their independence, it is essential to provide SWAPO with all-round assistance with a view to accelerating implementation of Security Council Resolution 435. We have no doubt that the struggle of the people of Namibia will eventually triumph. However, in recognition of the fact that the struggle is not only with a handful of racist dictators, we need to stand in full solidarity with the people of Namibia more than ever before. Meanwhile, it is also imperative that we continue our concerted struggle against the attempt to link Namibia's independence with the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola.
In the context of Namibia's independence, it is evidently preferable that any discussion held within Africa or outside our Continent between the racist regime and the freedom fighters are carried out through concerted prior consultations. While, in principle we support all genuine efforts aimed at resolving the question of Namibia's independence, we have strong reservations about the real motives of Pretoria and its supporters which are always questionable and, therefore, need to be subjected to careful scrutiny. As it has increasingly become clear that intentions of the racist regime at the talks were to install a puppet government in line with wishes of the Pretoria regime and its collaborators, the attempted negotiations have proved futile.
SWAPO has made ceaseless efforts and repeatedly shown its willingness to win independence for Namibia through a negotiated settlement. As I indicated in my message of May 1984 to the Bangkok Conference of the United Nations Namibia Council, the overriding concern of racist Pretoria and its supporters remain the advancement of their neo-colonial long-term political and economic interests. The unmistakable evidence for this is the attempts being made by the racist regime to secure recognition for its puppet organizations and the support of its friends. Pretoria's exercise, in this respect, is a ploy which cannot be seen in isolation of its internationally rejected policy of bantustanization.
On the other hand, it is encouraging to note that SWAPO's current intensified military activities have become a thorn in Pretoria's flesh. Despite the fact that the armed struggle is being currently conducted under temporarily most difficult conditions because of the general political and military manoeuvres by the racist Pretoria regime, we are happy to witness that the People's Liberation Army of Namibia (PLAN) is scoring numerous victories.
As victory or freedom is the result of bitter sacrifices and that the freedom fighters of Namibia are well-prepared to pay that price, on this occasion, I would like to request all of us here to shoulder our obligations by renewing our commitment to the liberation struggle. In this connection, I would also like to remind all of us here to give priority to the settlement of arrears of contribution to the Liberation Committee which, sadly enough, have today reached 14½ million dollars.
As the pernicious exercise to undermine the international anti-apartheid front, which is an outcome of long years of struggle, has become ever more concerted, we Africans should be more vigilant and stand up to the challenge. In particular, as I tried to indicate earlier, the apartheid regime, in an apparent effort to break out of its isolation, is currently engaged in dangerous manoeuvring. We, the peoples and Governments of Africa, have to brace ourselves in the frontline of the struggle with a view to denying the enemy the opportunity of causing division within our ranks. Implementation of the decisions recently adopted in Dar es Salaam by the 42nd Session of the Liberation Committee also needs to be one of our priorities.
Distinguished Leaders,
One of the most challenging and threatening problems today to the very survival of developing countries in general and African states in particular is their worsening economic plight.
As available data indicate, the African economy has suffered serious difficulties as a result of the inequitable global economic, trade and financial system, lack of full control of Governments over their national resources which, coupled with natural calamities, drought and the ever-expanding desertification, have created unprecedented economic crisis and social deprivations.
Food imports in 1982 by African countries stood at 24.6 million tons. The figure for 1983 was 28.7 million tons, thus indicating decline of food and agricultural production in Africa. Unless this dangerous trend is halted, by the turn of the century when Africa's population is estimated at 900 million, the present crisis, according to forecasts, will be irredeemable. Regrettably, the rate of Africa's population growth has already outstripped the rate of increase in food production.
According to studies by the Economic Commission for Africa annual population growth rate in the period 1970–1980 was 3%, while the growth of food production per head was merely 1.1%. It is stated that the root causes for this depressing development are lack of improved technology, prevalence of diseases, transport and communications bottlenecks, research constraints, recurrent drought and the ever-expanding desertification.
Owing to the very low foreign exchange earnings, it is increasingly becoming difficult for Africa to import capital goods, which are absolutely essential for the continent's development. This is in spite of the fact that it is an inexhaustible supplier of raw materials to the developed countries. Moreover, the rapidly growing population has become fast consumers of much-needed investment capital.
Exchange rate fluctuations, inflation and protectionist measures taken by developed countries have become serious constraints to our trade exchanges. As a result, the balance of payments deficits of African countries was US$15 billion in 1982. This, in turn, has forced us to curtail our import of consumer goods. With the decreasing flow of official development assistance, coupled with the heavy debt burden and high interest rates, the economies of our countries are today at a critical stage.
After a thorough examination of the current African economic situation, the 10th Session of African Minsters of Economic Planning and Development, held in Addis Ababa under the auspices of the Economic Commission for Africa, submitted a memorandum to the Second Regular Session of the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations held in July 1984. In that memorandum the magnitude of the economic crisis facing our continent, its causes and the substantial assistance required from the international community on a short, medium and long-term basis were clearly identified.
During the Council's deliberations on the issue, the developed countries regrettably blamed African Governments far what they alleged ware inappropriate development policies.
Future development assistance was also predicted on certain so-called policy reforms which African Governments were required to undertake as prescribed by these countries.
Concerted efforts should, therefore, be exerted by the African Group to reverse such an approach at the current 39th Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations during the discussion on the critical economic situation in Africa.
Africa can only be liberated from the excessive plunder of foreign forces by the determined struggle and sacrifices of its genuine sons, and by strengthening the existing regional economic cooperation programmes and establishing the African Economic Community by the year 2000. In this connection, we should, first and foremost, rid ourselves of the problems arising out of man-made and natural calamities and follow the correct path of development.
Our individual efforts must be supplemented by subregional action programmes that could form an overall regional package. We have no other option than laying down economic infrastructures in our various subregions.
As the economic development strategy of our continent remains to be the Lagos Plan of Action, we have to demonstrate to both friends and foes our determination to mobilize the manpower, financial and technological resources at our disposal not only to combat emergency problems but also to implement long-term development plans.
Distinguished Leaders,
One of the most serious common problems besetting Africa is the adverse impact on our people of persistent drought. Owing to desertification and fluctuations in weather and climatic conditions encompassing three quarters of the continent of Africa, up to 200 million people are seriously affected. Most of the drought-affected countries, being least developed, in addition to their perennial economic problems, are in no position to withstand the effects of the drought by themselves.
In response to the disastrous effects of the drought in Africa, urgent coordinated measured need to be taken at the national, regional and international levels.
It is only when we adopt and implement short and long-term measures to restore the ecology of our region that we can overcome drought. There is no alternative to this course of action that demands great sacrifices.
To ensure man's supremacy over nature, it is of primary importance to combat the whims of nature.
As drought is our foremost adversary, we must prepare ourselves to wage a resolute and ceaseless struggle and to pay the sacrifices required.
It has become evident that it is beyond the capacity of any one state to withstand by itself the drought in Africa. It is extremely important to undertake joint efforts to combat the problem.
In particular as the expansion of the Sahara with menacing speed aggravates the drought situation, it needs to be taken seriously. As the desert is expanding at an alarming rate, it is conceivable that in a few years, it could engulf the African continent resulting in famine, impoverishment and death to millions of our people.
I would, therefore, like to seize this opportunity to call upon the international community and in particular the United Nations system to accord through its specialized agencies priority attention to the problems of drought and desertification which threaten the welfare of our societies and to make substantial assistance available.
Another matter that should be viewed in the context of the social and economic conditions of our continent is the refugee problem. It is clear that the problem of refugees in Africa has been made worse by foreign intervention, the inhuman policy of the racist regime in South Africa, conflicts among member states, as well as man-made and natural calamities. Over the last few years, efforts exerted by member states within the limit of their resources and support rendered by certain international organizations are still continuing with the view to withstanding the problem.
Needless to say, the various economic predicaments facing African States have seriously sapped their energies to cater to the needs of refugees and displaced persons. However, we fully realize that it is the responsibility of African states themselves to search for a lasting solution to this problem. In this regard, we must strengthen our common endeavours to shoulder the responsibilities expected of us.
That the eradication of colonialism, racism, aggression and intervention will contribute to the removal of the root causes of refugee problems cannot be underestimated. In accordance with the Provisions of international conventions on refugees, member states are expected to seek a permanent solution to the problem, through measures that would facilitate voluntary repatriation of the refugees or their integration in the country of asylum.
As we all realize, the problem of refugees and displaced persons is humanitarian in character, and to give the issue a political dimension or to use it for the purpose of promoting certain political motives would further aggravate the already pressing problems of Africa.
In my message to the Second International Conference on Assistance to Refugees in Africa, which took place in Geneva in July 1984, I have strongly appealed to the international community to render its full support to the endeavours being undertaken in the search for a lasting solution to the problem of African refugees. Although the response given so far, for the appeal launched has not been satisfactory, we would, nonetheless, like to renew our call to donor countries and international organizations to render more support to resolve Africa's problem in this regard.
Distinguished Leaders,
In spits of the enormous challenges confronting the OAU, tremendous efforts have been deployed during the last eighteen months to realize a number of objectives in the service of Africa, within the confines of the organization's financial and administrative capabilities. Dr. Peter Onu, the Acting Secretary-General, will later on report on the organization's activities as well as the daunting administrative tasks that the Secretariat had to grapple with. However, I would like to draw the attention of this August Assembly to some matters of concern and measures required to strengthen our organization.
It is an inescapable fact that non-payment of contributions by member states poses, to a large extent, a major bottleneck to the organization's effectiveness. We often meet and adopt a number of useful decisions. The Secretary-General and the Secretariat are charged with the responsibility of ensuring the implementation of our resolutions. However, the Organization's financial constraints, which have so far defied solutions, are so acute that the effectiveness of the Secretariat has often been seriously impaired.
Insofar as it is our ardent desire to see our Organization strengthened, financially and administratively, so that it could fulfill its mission successfully, it is incumbent on us and, indeed, a matter of great priority to meet our financial obligations. Meanwhile, I would like to take this opportunity to reiterate, once again, the urgent appeal I had already communicated to each individual member State and solemnly request payment of all arrears, in the long term interests and the strengthening of our Organization. I would also like to express my profound gratitude to those governments which have promptly responded to my appeal for the amelioration of the Organization's acute financial difficulties.
Distinguished Leaders,
I have attempted in this report to present the political, economic and social challenges facing Africa today. I have touched upon the major tasks accomplished in the course of the last eighteen months and matters yet to be resolved. I have also tried to underscore the need to give greater attention to pressing problems threatening the very survival of our Organization and the welfare of the peoples of the continent.
To be sure, the enemies of Africa have not slackened their machinations to undermine the unity of our peoples and sow the seeds of discord within our ranks. In their efforts to strengthen their oppressive and exploitative tentacles, these anti-African forces leave no stone unturned to exert maximum political and economic pressure, to pit African brothers against each other and further complicate and perpetuate existing problems. It is a sad commentary on the current volatile political landscape in Africa that the very fabric of our unity and the survival of our continental Organization are in jeopardy.
It may be recalled that the die-hard enemies of Africa launched their campaign to wreck our unity and to sabotage our collective efforts from the very eve of the founding of our Organization. We know that the enemies arrayed against us at present are, qualitatively and quantitatively, far stronger and perhaps too desperate in their manoeuvres. Nor is the reason far to seek.
With our struggle in Africa to establish our own regional economic and trade organizations making significant headway, our enemies feel that their exploitative hold would soon crumble. Accordingly, they could not come to terms with the evolution of equitable social relations geared to the resolution of the continent's economic and political problems and the pursuit of the path of development of our own choice. What the enemies of Africa strongly desire is to revel in the spectacle of an alms-begging Africa, weak, destitute and chronically dependent on them.
How can we, the present generation of African leaders, inheritors of a unique historic mantle, retreat from the path of independence and victory set out by the Founding Fathers of the Organization! We, the sons of Africa, should safeguard our continent's integrity with vigilance and strive in unison for the consolidation of our political, economic and social independence. We can only be spared of the judgement of history and posterity by fully and indefatigably addressing ourselves to the challenges facing us today.
Having delivered a lasting solution to the divisive political issues bedevilling our Organization, we should rise up to lay an unshakeable foundation for the unity, progress and prosperity of our peoples. We should revise and keep afloat the banner of Pan-Africanism, which served as the motto for the initial struggle for independence and a source of inspiration for the establishment of our Organization. In view of present realities, we must rekindle and reinvigorate the spirit of Pan-Africanism in a new form and content.
A cursory survey of our continent's contemporary history reveals that we have been regrettably moving away from the lofty objectives of Pan-Africanism. We have been gradually losing our African determination and unity, looked upon with pride not only by Africans in this continent but also by African descendants who live scattered throughout the different parts of the world.
In the circumstances, the struggle ahead demands that the spirit of Pan-Africanism be given a new lease of life, a new sense of purpose and direction compatible with the ever-mounting challenges.
Such a unified approach under the guiding light of our forebears in their epic struggle for genuine independence and equality could further boost the possibility for the free voice of Africa to be heard more loudly in the forums of world opinion and for the enhancement of Africa's respect. I must also hasten to add that it is only our unremitting resolve and strong political will founded on a strong economic basis that could guarantee ultimate victory. A united and strong Africa is the only panacea to forestall the sinister designs of foreign forces scheming to unleash discord among us.
We must, therefore, rise up, once again, with renewed determination to uphold African unity as our leading banner for our independence and strength. We should realize that the resolve we demonstrate in this respect is the decisive factor for the preservation of our integrity and unity and for our collective decisions to be reckoned with.
An attempt to engage for a moment is an exercise of introspection unveils the fact that the scenario is full of paradoxes. Africa, the mother of ancient civilizations, while a source of infinite wealth, is saddled with the scar of colonial legacy, and is, therefore, poverty-stricken and extremely pathetic. While its prospects for prosperity are bright, the aspirations of its proud and heroic people for freedom are yet to be fulfilled.
When I talk of introspection, I am not by any means calling for self-indulgence or self-adulation. It would be the height of folly to conjure up a picture of what Africa should resemble in the future and feel complacent about it without working for its realization. Resolute political will is an essential prerequisite for promoting unity and economic development in our continent.
As we, Africans had thrown off the age-old yoke of colonial rule through the struggle for political independence, we should, likewise, eradicate the image of Africa as a backward continent. This can be best achieved if we are prepared to pay the sacrifices that economic independence requires.
After bitter experiences we have come to realize that political freedom devoid of economic independence is far from complete.
Africa is endowed with boundless natural and manpower resources. To improve the living conditions of its peoples, these resources should be exploited properly through the application of modern technology. We, African governments should resolutely rededicate ourselves for the realization of these objectives in full cognizance of the special responsibilities vested upon us.
Irrespective of the differences in our social systems, geographical disparities, minor contradictions that may crop up occasionally, it is high time we draw up strategies for the general emancipation and progress of Africa and for the self-sufficiency and lasting prosperity of its peoples.
Finally, I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude to you, my brother African leaders, for having elected me to serve you as Chairman of our Organization, and for the cooperation and support you have extended to me. I am deeply indebted to the members of the Bureau of the Nineteenth OAU Summit and to the Implementation Committee on Western Sahara.
I would like to convey my appreciation to the United Nations and its Secretary-General, Mr. Pérez de Cuéllar, for the particular attention he has given to African issues and for honouring us today by his presence in our midst.
Similarly, I would like to express my profound thanks to Dr. Peter Onu, the Acting Secretary-General of the OAU and the staff of the Secretariat for the diligence with which they have carried out their duties and for the cooperation they have extended to me.
Long Live African Unity!
Thank you.
[1] Given that the original scan is available, minor typos have been corrected without using [sic].