On his return from abroad, Uncle Ho and the Standing Committee of the Party’s Central Committee began a review of our people’s struggle on the military, political and diplomatic fronts over the last months.
The systematic undermining of the Agreement, the continuation of the aggressive war in the South and the intensification in occupation attempts in the North advocated by the chieftains of the French Expeditionary corps in Indochina obviously had the support and encouragement of the French authorities. Because French big business had not given up its ambition to maintain its domination over former colonies and dependencies, our negotiations with the French had ended in an impasse. The prevailing political trend in France offered even more favourable conditions for the French reactionary colonialists in Indochina to extend the war. We, however, found it advisable to exploit every chance to maintain the detente. As a matter of fact, the French financial magnates were facing many difficulties. The struggle of the democratic forces in France was continuing. The French political situation was still fluid. The French government remained a provisional one. The Modus Vivendi we had concluded with the French, though not containing decisions on principles had compelled them to reaffirm their commitment to the spirit of “reconciliation and cooperation” of the March 6 Agreement, undertake to put into effect democratic liberties in Nam Bo and pledge to join us in fixing the time and procedure of the referendum in Nam Bo.
One policy was to wage a relentless struggle to force the enemy to honour and carry out his commitments and at the same time, to strike back resolutely against his invasion and other acts of sabotage. We drove home to the masses the necessity of building up and developing our political, military and economic potential, keeping watch over the enemy’s manœuvres and getting ready to cope with any eventuality, including the extension of the war by the enemy to the whole country.
The convening of the National Assembly became an urgent problem.
Since its last session in March, many important events had taken place. The government’s activities ought to be reported to it. The first democratic constitution of the DRVN had been drafted and was awaiting approval. As for the Resistance Coalition Government itself, it had been, we may recall, formed in an unusual situation at the beginning of March. Though its general composition had met the requirements of the time, some of its members had never been elected by the people. Now that both in the Government and the National Assembly there were vacant seats because some of their members belonging to the Nationalist Party and the Revolutionary Alliance had fled along with the Chiang Kai-shek troops, Uncle Ho and the Standing Bureau of the Party felt necessary to have a new strong, popular and efficient government which could fulfil its tasks in leading the people in the changed situation.
The National Assembly met on October 28 at the City Theatre.
The seating at this session was somewhat different from that at the previous ones. The assembly hall was divided into three sections: left, right and centre. Sitting on the far left were the Marxists, including those members of the Indochinese Communist Party who were working in the open. Coming next were deputies from the Socialist Party wearing red neckties and those from the Democratic Party. The centre found the deputies without party affiliation but who had participated in the Viet Minh Front. Deputies from the Nationalist Party and the Revolutionary Alliance were on the right, the former sitting at the far end. Nearly half of the 70 seats reserved for these two organizations at the first session were unoccupied this time.
Foreign guests included the British, American and Chinese consuls and General Morlière’s representative. They were seated among journalists in the private boxes in the circle.
The agenda consisted of the following items:
1. Reports of the Standing Committee of the National Assembly and of the Government.
2. Discussion and approval of the draft constitution.
3. Formation of a new government.
Uncle Ton, a deputy from South Viet Nam, was elected leader of the Assembly’s Presidium.
A deputy from Rach Gia province, Comrade Nguyen Van Tao, read a message of greetings to the Assembly on behalf of all South Vietnamese deputies. He spoke of the deputies of South Viet Nam absent from the present session: Lawyer Thai Van Lung had been tortured to death in Saigon jail, Architect Huynh Tan Phat and other patriots were being detained by the enemy on Poulo Condor prison island. As he stepped down from the rostrum, President Ho Chi Minh came across to embrace him. Tears trickled down the President’s cheeks.
The South Viet Nam representative proposed that the National Assembly express confidence in and support for President Ho Chi Minh, our ‘First Citizen’, who had led our nation out of slavery. In response, all the deputies gave him prolonged applause. In its report to the National Assembly the Government recounted its activities since its formation including the negotiations with the French Government in Fontainebleau and the conclusion of the September 14 Modus Vivendi.
On October 31, the Government was questioned by deputies. Altogether there were eighty-eight questions concerning national defence, foreign relations, the economy, finance, justice and home affairs, which were forwarded to the Ministries concerned. President Ho Chi Minh, on behalf of the Government, gave replies on foreign policy, the conclusion of the Modus Vivendi and the desertion of Nguyen Hai Than, Nguyen Tuong Tam, Vu Hong Khanh...
He said:
“The Government’s foreign policy and the September 14 Modus Vivendi... have been dealt with at length in previous reports... In short, as regards the democratic countries, we stand on very good terms with them; though they have not officially recognised us they have great sympathy for us. As far as our diplomatic efforts with France are concerned, the Government, in the process of its negotiations for the March 6 Preliminary Agreement, at the Dalat and Fontainebleau Conferences and for the September 14 Modus Vivendi, has shown a great resolve to safeguard Viet Nam’s independence and territorial integrity and at the same time a readiness to cooperate with France on sincere and friendly terms. Naturally, on the principle of equality, they must cooperate with us.
He continued:
“Will the Modus Vivendi affect future agreements?... In human society what does not have an effect on something else? However, the Modus Vivendi can in no way have a binding effect on future negotiations. Whether future negotiations will lead to a fruitful result depends on the implementation of the Modus Vivendi...”
He added:
“About the Vice-President, Mr Nguyen Hai Than, the Foreign Minister, Mr Nguyen Tuong Tam, and the Vice-Chairman of the Military Commission, Mr Vu Hong Khanh... They are not here... Our country has been in difficulties. Our people have entrusted important tasks to those in whom they had confidence yet these gentlemen have abandoned their posts. They ought to consult their consciences. Those who have quitted work either do not care to share in the burden of State affairs or are incapable of shouldering it! Now that they have left, we who remain are ready to shoulder it ourselves.”
There was prolonged applause. Uncle Ho continued:
“But should they find they cannot betray their consciences, should they change their minds and return to the people and the motherland, we should gladly welcome them back.”
Before stitting down, he ended up by saying to the Assembly:
“If any other member of the Government has made mistakes, I will accept the responsibility and offer my apology to our compatriots.”
The afternoon and evening sessions were reserved for replies by the Ministries. When the Ministries concerned had answered the last question, many deputies raised further questions. After the final question had been put, President Ho, on behalf of the Government, again took the floor to answer them. With familiar, simple words, he said:
“Concerning the national flag, the Government has never intended to demand that it be changed. As a few members of the Government had made a proposal to that effect, the Government had considered it its duty to submit their proposal to the Standing Committee of the National Assembly. Since then, the situation has greatly changed. Our red flag with its golden star has been soaked in the blood of innumerable Vietnamese fighters in Nam Bo and Southern Trung Bo.
Everywhere it has been carried, from Asia to Europe and from Europe back to Asia, it has been respectfully saluted.”
His eyes brightening up, the President emphasized: “Now, no one except our twenty-five million people can invoke any right to demand a change in the national flag.”
The meeting hall burst into resounding applause. Uncle Ho continued:
“As for the question of integrity, the present Government has made great efforts toward this end. However, from Ho Chi Minh to those who work in village committees the Government is very numerous. Nevertheless, it has been doing its best to set a good example. Wherever this effort is not successful, legal measures will be taken against those who take bribes. We have punished, are punishing and will punish them until corruption is eradicated.”
Again, there was resounding applause.
“Certain deputies maintain that the Modus Vivendi has been signed on unequal terms. The Government begs to differ. Under its terms, each side makes certain concessions. If we ensure the French some economic and cultural interests here, they have to ensure the putting into effect of democratic freedoms in the South and the release of detained patriots. As to whether the French will sincerely implement the Modus Vivendi or not, we ought to keep in mind that in France there are good as well as bad people. I can affirm that now the majority of the French people approve of our independence and territorial unity.”
In the same way — simple, informative, articulate and concise — he answered the other questions raised. No more questions were asked after his replies. It was just midnight.
On behalf of the Government, President Ho submitted its resignation which the National Assembly accepted. Then the National Assembly unanimously requested him to form a new government.
On the rostrum once again, having expressed thanks to the National Assembly for its confidence, Uncle Ho said:
“This is the second time the National Assembly has entrusted me with forming a government. As long as Viet Nam is not independent and reunified, anyone, whether myself or any other person, entrusted by the National Assembly with this task, must strive to fulfil it. I now accept the task and would like to declare before the National Assembly, our people and the world that Ho Chi Minh is not the kind of man who hankers after power and tries to cling to his position seeking the “spoils of mandarinship”. The government to be formed must be one of national unity, grouping able men irrespective of political affiliation... Though the decision of the National Assembly did not contain the term ‘integrity’, I would like to declare before the National Assembly, our people and the world that the Government to be formed must have integrity. In accordance with the Assembly’s decision it must be efficient, courageous, and determined to pursue the cause of national construction and struggle for the achievement of national independence and unity. Despite all dangers, the members of the Government will rely on the strength of the National Assembly and the people and resolutely pursue the aims defined for them by the National Assembly and the people.”
That session ended at one o’clock in the morning. Starting on November 1, the National Assembly began its discussions of the first draft constitution of the DRVN.
On the afternoon of November 2, President Ho announced that he had completed the formation of the government. At 5 p.m., he arrived at the Assembly and was warmly acclaimed. He said:
“This Government may not fully meet your aspirations but has been formed in conformity with the guide-lines you have set. It has the participation of eminent personalities from the North, South and Centre. The honourable Huynh Thuc Khang wanted at first to retire due to advanced age but, at my request, has decided to stay on for another term.”
The National Assembly greeted the list of ministers submitted by President Ho with prolonged applause.
The National Assembly, by vote, unanimously approved the new government. Nearly seven weeks later, due to the enemy’s policy of aggression, war spread all over our country. The Government formed in November by President Ho was to lead our people in a nation-wide resistance that would last 8 years.
The National Assembly continued its debates on the draft constitution. On November 8, 1946, with 240 votes against 2, it passed the constitution of the DRVN.
At the final session, on the new constitution, President Ho said:
“Our country has enjoyed freedom for only 14 months. Yet, the first democratic constitution in our history has been adopted by the National Assembly. This constitution proclaims to the world that Viet Nam is an independent country; that its people already enjoy all the democratic freedoms; that in the enjoyment of citizen rights the Vietnamese woman is equal to the man. This constitution upholds the solid unity of the various nationalities in Viet Nam.”