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Walter Jason

Michigan: What’s the Line, Walter?

(4 June 1950)


From Labor Action, Vol. 14 No. 25, 19 June 1950, pp. 1 & 8.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’Callaghan for the Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line (ETOL).


DETROIT, June 4 – The coming fall elections will find the United Auto Workers (CIO) more deeply engaged in political action than at any other time in its history. Its political work will develop along various lines, all of which combined give some indication of the future course of the vast industrial union in politics.

At the present time, in the Detroit-Wayne County area, the UAW is still fighting “Old Guard” Democratic elements for control of the congressional district clubs. The death of Congressman Lesinski in the 16th District sharpens this struggle, for now the question has been raised: Whom shall the UAW-CIO support as Lesinski’s successor?

Perhaps by the time this article appears, the question will be answered. What makes it especially intriguing and important is the fact that the Reuther leadership is seriously considering running one of its own key persons for the Democratic Party nomination against some well-known Democratic Party regulars.

The very fact that this candidacy is being considered (and the name of the individual will certainly arouse comment) has created a furor within Democratic Party circles and also among CIO politicians who feel that no move should be made to antagonize the regular party people.

Outside of this deviation from the normal political activity of the UAW-CIO, which consists of supporting Fair Deal Democrats, the coming elections will see the. UAW putting out maximum efforts to re-elect Governor “Soapy” Williams. His popularity with labor was again recently demonstrated when he appeared at the Michigan CIO convention. The 800 delegates showed their only enthusiasm at the convention during Williams’ appearance. Since Williams must buck a powerful Republican majority in both houses of the state legislature, his task of appearing as the champion of the workingman and the small farmer is relatively easy to fulfill.

Although even the AFL of Detroit and Michigan supports Williams, his re-election was not expected because of the inner-party Democratic Party struggle (Williams is considered a Johnny-Come-Lately of the ADA variety) and because of the reaction to the Chrysler strike. But the GM contract has eased up the criticism of the UAW in small-business circles and in the counties, and things look better for Williams.

In the internal struggle of the Democratic Party, AFL chieftains tend to support the regulars against the ADA-UAW politicians. (The AFL helped defeat George Edwards when he ran for mayor of Detroit. It had a deal with the Republican Party.)

The Edwards defeat still haunts the UAW politicians, and that is why they are anxiously hoping as well as urging President Truman to make a Labor Day speech here, which would be expected to swing the tide in Detroit for the Fair Deal Democrats. The calculations of the UAW strategists in regard to the UAW man running for Congress are based as much on riding the Truman bandwagon, as they see it, as in putting up an independent struggle and building an independent political machine.

The UAW politicians never can quite decide which way to go or what to do. The first reaction to the Willoughby Abner defeat in Chicago was: “We should never run a candidate who can’t get the endorsement of the regular Democrats. Otherwise we split the Democratic Party vote and a Republican wins.” Of course, this is certainly learning the wrong lessons, but that’s what the line has been.

On the other hand, the choice of Democrats in the 16th District (Lesinski’s) is such that the futility of supporting one of them in terms of having a labor spokesman in Congress stares everyone in the face. Thus the discussion for a UAW man to run for Congress.

Lest anyone think that this picture of Michigan labor politics which we outline is somewhat confusing, we can only say that this is precisely how it is. And our estimate is that it will get more confusing before it clarifies itself. For the essence of the Reuther policy in this period is to probe around, by way of crassly opportunistic maneuvers, to find a formula which will increase the political strength of the UAW and the national prestige of the Reuther leadership. It goes without saying that any major moves for a third party based on labor are out, at least for the coming period. At the same time, with economic struggles pushed into the background by the long-term contracts, involvement into more and more politics has become an inexorable process.


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