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Nazi Whip
From The Militant, Vol. VI No. 29, 3 June 1933, p. 3.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’Callaghan for the Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line (ETOL).
The formula and practice of the united front from below also became untenable by the logic of events, and – what irony of “fate” pursuing Stalinism – an important part of this was the fact that the initiative to offer an organizational united front had been left to the Second International. But in giving up the “united front from below” the Stalinist leaders made a volte face and decided that in approaching the socialist leaders for united action they would renounce the fundamental political right of mutual criticism.
These examples alone are sufficient to prove Stalinism as utterly oblivious of a Marxian policy or of a revolutionary strategy. It swings in jerks and spasms from one opposite position to another, forced by the blow of events. Naturally it cannot maintain working class confidence and it becomes entirely impotent of giving any leadership whatever in a serious revolutionary situation. Any old hand organ can change its tune by merely turning a small switch, but it remains nevertheless a hand organ. Centrism with its turns, half-turns and false turns nevertheless remains Centrism.
Even this change in the united front tactic, partial as it is and with its falsity to boot, still rests within the framework of Stalinist theory and policy. In other words, the partial change rests upon its old false foundation. The united front tactic cannot, of course, express the sum total of revolutionary policy and although it was at the present period the most acute question it makes up nevertheless only a part of the whole content of a Marxian policy. But here it is necessary to add that in changes of strategy or tactic in a revolutionary situation, when events usually move with lightning speed, the question of time becomes an important element: sometimes a matter of life and death. And in this instance it was a matter of life and death. Even this partial change, if made in time, could perhaps have given the impulse to a genuine united front and moved the masses forward to an extent which would have gradually enabled them to tear into the foundation of Stalinist policy, at least in Germany. But, as we know, the party leaders then tenaciously opposed any such change, branded it as counter-revolutionary and removed or expelled comrades who tried to apply the united front on a local scale, as we shall show by some concrete examples.
Now, however, the events in regard to this specific question have already moved beyond its timeliness in Germany itself. By this we do not at all mean to assert that nothing further can be done. Quite the contrary. What must be brought out, however, is the fact that the German social democratic leadership after the consolidation of the Hitler dictatorship have broken with their own International, the Second International, over the issue of opposing the latter’s protest against the dictatorship. In this they hoped to ease the road for themselves personally. Though Hitler cannot at all use these miserable creatures, except insofar as they can serve for the future destruction of the working class movement, they have capitulated completely to him.
That means that they have to all intents and purposes put the final touches to the liquidation of their own organization. One can therefore no more speak of a united front in Germany from organization to organization as far as the social democratic party is concerned. It is now necessary to commence on a new foundation. A timely, and a real change, by the Communist party, however, could unquestionably have brought the millions of social democratic workers into united action with the Communist workers, avoided the heavy price the proletariat now has to pay, and matters might have looked entirely different today.
The series of previous failures, the many stupid blunders, the whole system of false orientation, policy of theory of Stalinism, brought the German party to its fatal position of impotency in face of the Fascist onslaughts. Some German comrades even today seek to partly absolve the party from guilt in its present catastrophe by saying: “It was not unwilling to fight but it was unable to fight.” Precisely that is the issue. The party was unable to fight because its leadership over a long period of time, by its bureaucratically imposed false policy, theory and concept, had succeeded in finally disarming the party. And when the vanguard is disarmed, the mass faces certain defeat. In all of its objective consequences this can mean nothing else than Stalinism having experienced its August 4th in Germany.
Many comrades, party member’s, discuss freely with us the experiences of the past mistakes. In this they are also trying to draw the lessons which may be appropriated for the future. Their reports are particularly illuminating as to how the Stalinist tactic worked out in the practical activities. One comrade from Berlin, Heligensee, relates:
“The united front was correctly understood by the masses but it was sabotaged by the Central Committee. I will prove that by our district. There existed a united front built on a broad basis with the social democratic workers, in eluding the lower functionaries. It had organized a powerful mass self-defense corps, it conducted regular weekly discussion meetings, functionaries of both parties came together to confer about matters and joint demonstrations against Fascism were held. The sub-district committee reacted to this by removing all our local party functionaries, among them old and tried class fighters. The district leadership (Brandenburg) covered and protected the sub-district committee. A hunt for Trotskyites began with the slogan: ‘Those who have any relations with Trotskyists will be summarily expelled.’ The biggest part of the membership became stirred and asked: ‘We should discuss with the Nazis but not with our own comrades.’ Protest resolutions were adopted but filed by the district office never to be answered.”
Another party member could, in his report, make a valuable contribution which graphically illustrated how a united front correctly applied, will serve effectively to unmask the social democratic leaders. He relates from Dessau:
“We took action on the occasion of the constitution of the National Socialist government. Together with an important factory committee and the S.A.P. we had established a united front committee and we invited all the reformist organizations to participate in united struggle. The social democrats asked us for negotiations but submitted unacceptable conditions. We nevertheless went to carry on negotiations and we declared: To every one of these points with which the working class is in accord for a struggle against the Nazi government, the conditions submitted by you means a practical prevention of united action. The negotiations stranded because the socialist leaders would not budge. The next day there took place in our city the greatest demonstration seen for a long time directed against the government and also against the sabotage of the social democrats. Despite this outstanding success the district leadership removed the sub-district committee.”
These simple reports are important documents. They should serve as enlightenment for Communists everywhere.
However, an entirely new situation exists now in Germany and only fools will pay any attention to the Fascist boasts of abolishing the class struggle. The internal antagonisms of capitalist society are not diminishing but sharpening. They will become many times more accentuated in Germany by the existence of the Fascist regime. To perform its mission, it will pursue the attacks upon the present trade unions much further. A struggle to destroy the workers organisations is not performed only by murder, by arresting, and by breaking things up; but it is also accompanied by the inevitable attacks upon the workers’ standard.
That is certain to be expressed in attacks upon the working conditions gained, upon the wage level, upon the unemployment insurance, social insurance and so forth. The general statement previously often repeated by party leaders who felt confident that “Hitler would soon get out of business,” to the effect that he has no favorable economic perspective ahead of him, is, of course, true in its historical sense. But it does not preclude that Germany will in this present period experience a certain upward economic conjuncture. A reduction of unemployment would inevitably tend to increase the working class demands as well as the struggle for these demands.
In general, the capitalist economic system is developing its relation of forces not favorable to the Fascists but favorable to the working class. Thus the knights of the Swastika, despite their easy victory, will yet have the greatest difficulties ahead of them. Their suppressions and repressions will undoubtedly assume yet more violent forms. But it will not continue to remain a one aided affair. There are certain also to be struggles in the near future. What leadership then, fof the German working class?
Have we fully comprehended the extent, the scope and the implica tions of the defeat in Germany’? The two workers’ parties, the Communist party and the social democratic party are destroyed. It is Austria’s turn next. There Fascism is preparing its forces and gathering its strength while the working class leadership is failing as miserably as in Germany. The Comintern also here had the duty to propose a united front to the Second international and put the question of the defense of the Austrian working class on the very top of the agenda. If Austro-Marxism follows its German brethren to annihilation it will mean to the Second International the loss of its two strongest and socialistically developed parties – in other words a perspective of practical extinction. And the Communist International? Yes, to the Comintern the German party meant as much if not more than the German social democracy meant to the Second International. In this the Comintern, under the Stalin regime, has now suffered its most fatal blow. The party of the Soviet Union is so immersed in the false theory of “Building Socialism in One Country,” that it organized not one single demonstration in support of its German class brothers during their hour of greatest need. The party of the Soviet Union is paralyzecl by the dead weight of Stalinism.
Enormous tasks are arising for the Left Opposition. The sporadic activities now carried on by the remnants of the German Communist Party do not signify its recuperation on a new and illegal basis, but merely reveal the rear end of its former legal condition. What must therefore now be done was well expressed in the statement of a German Left Oppositionist:
“Above all we must immediately issue the directives for the building of a new party. None of the parts of the old apparatus will do for the future. I have discussed this with many class conscious workers, sterling fighters, and they are quite unanimous in asserting emphatically: yes, the building of a new party is an imperative necessity.”
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