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From The Militant, Vol. V No. 10, 8 March 1941, p. 6.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’Callaghan for the Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line (ETOL).
It is not at all surprising that Roosevelt, when asked whether his newly-appointed ambassador to Great Britain, John G. Winant, would take over proposals regarding lasting peace after the war, replied that the first thing was to win the war. “Peace proposals and an outline for the basis of peace must come after the victory,” is what the New York Times reports as Roosevelt’s sentiments.
How can the big capitalist politicians possibly reveal clearly and without any glittering generalities their war aims? Has British imperialism not committed itself by secret treaties to benefit the nations that are helping her at the expense of the nations that have willingly surrendered to the Axis powers? Is there any one foolish enough to imagine that the Polish ruling class has not demanded that Great Britain turn over to it every bit of territory that it had by virtue of the Versailles treaty, and more to boot, perhaps? And did not the representatives of British imperialism promise the same thing to the Czechs?
And how will these promises be kept without creating the same difficulties that followed the Versailles treaty?
It must be taken for granted that Roosevelt knows all about these secret arrangements and that he will not rock Churchill’s boat or his own by springing some proposals that are directly contrary to the secret treaties.
What do Churchill and Roosevelt propose to do with Germany if and when Hitler is defeated? The refugees of Hitler’s terror are pleading for a statement of war aims which will show the German people that the British imperialists are interested only in freeing the Germans of Hitler and his crowd and that Germany will be permitted to exist as an independent nation. But alas for the liberals and refugees, British imperialists want it distinctly understood that the German people are the ones to blame for permitting Hitler to take power and that the German people are all more or less of Hitler’s pattern and that therefore they will have to suffer the consequences of defeat.
The commitments in secret treaties are, however, not the most important factor in preventing Churchill and Roosevelt from indicating what their war aims really are. The truth is that they would be more than glad to be able to present a plan which would do two things: one, to assure their supremacy and two to obtain permanent peace. But no one has and no one can present such a plan. The liberals and the refugees have done nothing but lament the fact that Churchill has not taken them into his confidence, but outside of the “Union Now” plan, which is nothing but a plan for American and British imperialism to join forces and control the world, no one has presented anything that can even be discussed.
The truth is that capitalist statesmen find themselves utterly helpless. On the basis of the capitalist system they can find no plan which will guarantee peace. Hitler, in that respect, is in a far better position than the representatives of the democratic capitalist countries. For he is not compelled to conceal his motives behind democratic camouflage. His “New Order” is plainly a plan where German capitalism organizes Europe and the world for its own benefit.
Neither Great Britain nor the United States is in a position to state openly that this is exactly what their capitalists would like to do. Part of Hitler’s strength is due to the fact that the situation permits him to be less of a hypocrite than the representatives of democratic capitalism. How easy it is to poke fun at the chains of the British democrats who refuse to grant India freedom! How easy it is to point out that both Britain and the United States gained their empires by force and violence!
Together with his victories Hitler’s hypocrisies must increase. He will find it more and more difficult to poke fun at the democratic capitalists in view of his own acts. Nor is he in a position to do what the democratic capitalists are unable to accomplish, that is, bring peace to Europe and the world by subjecting all the nations to German capitalism. Neither Hitler by destroying the independent life of European nations nor Great Britain by granting certain nations concessions and playing off one against the other are able to bring peace to Europe.
In beseeching Churchill and Roosevelt for a clear statement of war aims, the liberals reflect the uneasiness of the masses who are slaving and sweating, fighting and dying. What are they sacrificing for? To defeat Hitler? Fine, but what is to follow? Another Versailles, another impotent League of Nations, another uncertain period of peace followed by a still more horrible war?
And it is exactly at this point that we of the SWP must appear on the scene with our explanations and with our plan. We have no objection to anyone demanding a statement of war aims from Churchill or Roosevelt. Such a demand at least places them on the spot. If they refuse to formulate a concrete plan we can utilize that fact as evidence of their hypocrisy in their claims of fighting for democracy. If under pressure they are compelled to formulate some plan, either the inadequacy of the plan or their failure subsequently to abide by it can be made a point of attack. But it would be folly for any intelligent worker to be satisfied with demanding that Churchill and Roosevelt formulate war aims. For us it is as clear as daylight that their war aims are nothing but to defend and strengthen their own imperialist interests. We must educate the workers not to give the slightest credence to any plan formulated by the imperialists for permanent peace.
We know and we shall continue to repeat that under capitalism no permanent peace is possible. No plans for such a peace can be effective.
Our fundamental task remains to convince the workers who are fearful of fascism that to destroy fascism they must take power into their own hands and destroy the capitalist system, breeder of fascism and wars.
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