Marxists’ Internet Archive: ETOL Home Page: Trotskyist Writers Section: Farrel Dobbs
Source: The Militant, Vol. 12 No. 21, 24 May 1948, p. 4.
Transcription & Mark-up: Einde O’ Callaghan for the Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line (ETOL).
BOSTON, May 14 – If the 928,000 members of the United Steelworkers of America looked to their Fourth Constitutional Convention for a fighting program to halt the savage onslaught of the monopoly corporations, they were cruelly disappointed. Instead, they witnessed a wild orgy of red-baiting, used by President Philip Murray to smother criticism of his policies which deprived workers in basic steel of a wage increase, and to ram through the convention the following decisions:
After three days of unrestrained red-baiting during discussion of foreign policy, political action and the Taft-Hartley Act, the stage was set about 5 p.m. on Thursday to jam through a resolution endorsing Murray’s wage, policy. Resolution No. 26 on wages was read by the secretary of the resolutions committee, who moved its adoption.
Delegate Hunter, Local 2898, on a point of information said, “Since this question of wages is a most important one and I am sure will be discussed by many people, and since a half hour is all that is left of this session, I should like to ask that the resolution be brought up tomorrow morning.”
Murray replied that the Wage-Policy Committee would spend weeks on the wage question, adding, “I think that will be sufficient to meet the needs of your situation.”
Director Germano of District 31 next took the floor to denounce Delegate Nick Migas of Local 1010, East Chicago, Indiana. Migas, a well-known Stalinist hack, had signed a leaflet, circulated to the delegates the previous day, which attacked Murray’s “no-strike” policy and his opposition to Henry Wallace.
When Germano had finished speaking, Murray ordered Migas to the microphone in the center of the convention floor. As Migas stood there in the middle of a mass of 3,200 delegates, Murray proceeded to whip the convention into a frenzy against him. Then Murray called on Migas to explain why he “resorted to this treasonous conduct.”
Migas defended himself as best he could, handicapped as he was by his unsavory record accumulated through years of following the zigzags of treacherous Stalinist policy. As he spoke, he was booed, cries arose to “throw him out,’ and several delegates sought to attack him physically. Murray ordered the ushers to protect him.
When Migas finished speaking Murray said, “Is that all? Are you finished? The convention will remain in order now. Remain in perfect order, please. The question now occurs upon the motion to adopt the report of the committee. Those in favor of the motion to adopt the report of the committee will say aye.”
With the all-important question of wage policy having been so completely submerged under the hysteria against Migas, Murray declared the motion “carried by unanimous vote” and proceeded to the next order of business.
Meanwhile, Migas had tried to slip quietly out of the hall, but almost one-third of the convention followed him out onto Huntington Avenue where he was caught and severely beaten.
All this time Boston police had been in and around the convention hall, obviously tipped off to what was coming. When they thought Migas had been beaten enough, the cops dragged him out of the hands of his attackers, threw him into a patrol wagon they just happened to have with them and hauled him to the police station under “protective custody.”
The next morning the constitutional amendment barring “Communists” or “other subversives” from union office was easily put through the convention.
But when the question of a four-year term for International officers came up, the steam roller was slowed down quite a bit. Red-baiting proved less effective on this issue, so the question of loyalty to the officers was thrown, into the gap. Opposition to the proposal was centered mainly against giving district directors four-year terms. About one-third of the delegates voted against it on a standing vote.
Opposition was even sharper on the constitutional amendment reducing convention representation to one delegate for each 500 members. Secretary-Treasurer McDonald, who was in the chair, ruled the amendment adopted on a voice vote. Pandemonium broke loose and McDonald then called for a standing vote in which he again declared the amendment adopted. A mighty wave of protest went up with cries for a roll call.
Murray took the chair, declared there would be no roll call, and again took a standing vote, instructing the ushers to count the delegates voting for and against. A total vote of 2,384 was reported, with 1,563 voting for the amendment and 821 against.
Opposition to the dues increase adopted on the last day followed the same general pattern.
Election of International officers and district directors for a four-year term will be held by referendum in February 1949. Local union elections for a two-year term of office take place next month.
The next convention is scheduled for May 1950.
F. Dobbs Archive | Trotskyist Writers Index | ETOL Main Page
Last updated: 3 November 2022