First Published: The Call, Vol. 5, No. 33, December 20, 1976.
Transcription, Editing and Markup: Paul Saba
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Continuing our series on the Marxist-Leninist movement in Europe, we present the second part of an interview with Jacques Jurquet, the leader of the Marxist-Leninist Communists of France and director of L ’Humanite Rouge, the daily newspaper which reflects the line of the illegal Communist Party of France (Marxist-Leninist). The previous part of the interview (The Call, Dec. 6), focused primarily on Jurquet’s view of the international situation. This part centers on the class struggle inside France, especially the fight against modem revisionism.
The revisionist Communist Party of France (PCF) has a very powerful position in the leadership of the largest trade union confederation, the CGT (General Confederation of Labor.) How does this affect Marxist-Leninist activity in the trade unions?
Only a small part of .the labor force in France is unionized-about 20. But at the same time, the trade unions influence 80 to 90 of the workers in various work-place elections.
The CGT, led by the revisionist party, numbers around 2,200,000 members. The CFDT (French Democratic Federation of Labor), led by reformists, especially from the Socialist Party, has about 700,000 members.
The French Marxist-Leninists are actively fighting in the most important unions, the CFDT and the CGT. Despite repressive attacks by the leaders of the confederations, Marxist-Leninists have come into the leadership of union sections and -are leading them on the path of class struggle, rather than class collaboration.
What forms of organization do you build within the trade unions?
In the factories and other workplaces, the French Marxist-Leninists put a priority on building workplace cells. Their principal activity is to do political work inside their plant and in their union. The cells study and organize the work of their members in the trade union sections at their place of work.
The main task of Marxist-Leninists in the unions is to free the working class from the influence of modem revisionism. In the course of struggle, the Marxist-Leninists build ties with the masses of workers. The Marxist-Leninists of France keep politics in command. They systematically oppose all reformist practices which separate the economic and social struggles from political struggle. In the workers’ struggles, they are presently combating the mystifications spread by the Union de Gauche (“Union of the Left,” an electoral coalition of the Socialist Party and the revisionist Communist Party – ed.) and are denouncing completely its “Common Program,” opposing it with their own revolutionary, working-class program.
If the revisionist PCF were to come into the government, how would this affect superpower contention, particularly Soviet interests, in France?
The French Marxist-Leninists do not for a moment foresee a situation where the PCF could come to power on its own. In such an event, the PCF would undoubtedly have to rely on the social-imperialists in order to hold onto power, and its policy would correspond completely to Soviet interests: This situation would only aggravate the rivalry of interests between the two superpowers.
It is important not to confuse the possible rise to power of the Union of the Left with that of the PCF on its own. The participation of the PCF in a government of the Union of the Left would contribute to the sharpening of the class struggle in France. It would further provoke t the workers’ opposition.
Under such circumstances, the workers will realize that it is not enough to change the government – the entire political, economic and social system must be changed. The French Marxist-Leninists are fighting to open the eyes of the workers and broad masses to this reality. Even now, it is certain that the revisionists are encountering greater and greater difficulties in carrying out their strategy.
What are your tactics and policy for defeating the PCF revisionists? The movement of Marxist-Leninist Communists in France grew out of the irreconcilable contradiction between Marxism-Leninism and modern revisionism. It represents a complete break with the ideology, politics and revisionist organizations of the PCF. We fight continually to unmask and demystify the PCF before the working class and to expose their fraud in calling themselves Marxist-Leninists.
We make a distinction between the leaders, traitors and renegades, and the rank-and-file members and sympathizers whom they have deceived. We struggle to win these people over from the influence of modern revisionism, without compromising or making concessions over principles.
The revisionist leaders have also launched violent attacks on supporters of L’Humanite Rouge and support the bourgeoisie’s repression against the Marxist-Leninists. How are the Marxist-Leninists responding to these attacks?
The revisionist leaders of the PCF and CGT resort to physical violence and violate proletarian democracy against- the Marxist-Leninists, whose work is exposing them. But more and more, they are lifting rocks only to drop them on their own feet. Many members of their own rank and file object to these methods and want to understand our positions.
Illegal expulsions of Marxist-Leninists from the CGT have increased communist influence among the people. In September of 1975, the revisionist leaders of the PCF and the CGT tried through violence to prevent the demonstrations of solidarity with the Marxist-Leninists comrades in Spain who were condemned to death. But their security squads were outflanked and overwhelmed, and they could not prevent the Marxist-Leninists from leading the masses in struggle. The masses used revolutionary counter-violence against the counter-revolutionary violence of the revisionist leaders.
What happened inside the PCF when the revisionist leadership declared their abandonment of the dictatorship of the proletariat last year?
The reaction of the rank-and-file members of the PCF was quite weak because this was only the official recognition of a line which had been put into practice for a very long time. The social composition of the PCF has undergone a major change in the last 10 years.
The increasingly bourgeois character of its ranks explains the absence of interest in this matter of fundamental principle. However, this is consistent with our aim of winning over the rank and file from the PC’F, to the extent that its younger members – many of whom are of petty-bourgeois origin, and fewer of worker origin – sincerely desire socialist revolution, even though they have been taught it can only come “peacefully.” A tiny percentage of members of the PCF still remain attached to the concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat, but unfortunately, they believe that today it is represented by the USSR!
Presently, several Marxist-Leninist militants, such as Romain Le Gal, are being persecuted by the French government and are charged with “reconstituting the PCMLF,” the party which is now illegal. For what reasons is this repression taking place?
The repression against the members of the PCMLF, such as Romain Le Gal, is repression by the bourgeoisie, which is disturbed by the growing influence of the Marxist-Leninists among the workers and small peasantry. Political repression always has as its primary objective intimidating the weakest elements, with the aim of ending all Marxist-Leninist activity. But this is a poor calculation on the part of the ruling class. It is precisely under difficulties that the best revolutionaries are forged and the spirit of true communists develops.
Within five months after Romain Le Gal was imprisoned, the mass protests brought about his release. The attitude of this militant communist before the police and the capitalist courts has been exemplary and has contributed to the important victory which his release represents. In the struggle against repression, the French Marxist-Leninists rely on the mass struggle, leading the workers, small peasants, representatives of .other social strata of the people, and personalities from various sectors.
Could you tell us something about the present struggle of immigrant workers in France?
The immigrant workers comprise an integral part of the French working class. The Marxist-Leninists consistently support their struggles. These struggles deserve proletarian internationalist solidarity inasmuch as they are not only workers in France, but representatives of the third world and victims of racism as well.
More than 20,000 immigrant workers are presently waging a rent strike against the Foyers Sonacotra, a prison-like immigrant housing project. Since its start, their strike has had the political, ideological and material support of the Marxist-Leninists. As a result, the immigrant workers have been able to compare the treacherous activities of the revisionist leaders and have now publicly and clearly rejected them.
What is more, most of the leaders of the immigrant workers’ struggle are becoming Marxist-Leninists themselves. In their support of the immigrant workers, Marxist-Leninists have always followed a fundamental principle-absolute non-interference in the workers’ decisions and internal affairs. In this regard, the Trotskyist sects are completely discredited among the immigrant workers for trying to impose their own point of view. The immigrant workers do not wish to be manipulated, and the Marxist-Leninists do their utmost to avoid such practices. For several months now, the relations between the immigrant workers and the French Marxist-Leninists have been excellent.
Today there is more than one party calling itself Marxist-Leninist in France. What efforts have been made to unite into a single party of the proletariat?
The unification of groups who identify themselves as Marxist-Leninist began some time ago, but has taken on new dimensions in the last year or so. Naturally, this process cannot avoid intense class struggle. The various Trotskyist formations in France made a tremendous effort to obstruct the development and prevent the formation of a single Marxist-Leninist party. Except for the inevitable persistence of certain small groups dominated by petty-bourgeois ideology, particularly around certain universities, the unification process is advancing concretely and positively.
At this time, the two most important formations are the PCMLF (Communist Party of France, Marxist-Leninist) and the PCRML (Revolutionary Communist Party. Marxist-Leninist), which originated from a split in 1970. They are making effective efforts to reach unity. They have jointly organized various demonstrations, the most recent being a memorial march paying homage to Chairman Mao at the Wall of the Martyrs where the revolutionaries of the Paris Commune were executed. They are engaged- in political discussions in order to draw clear lines of demarcation.
What are some of the lessons you have drawn so far in this struggle for Marxist-Leninist unity?
Here are some lessons derived so far. Marxist-Leninists must systematically reject all subjectivity in order to understand each other and make their discussions concrete. They must practice the method prescribed by Mao Tsetung: “unity-criticism-unity.” They must not fear the criticism of others and must know how to make their own sincere self-criticism.
The formation of a single, unified Marxist-Leninist party in France is on the way. This corresponds to the express will of the working class and the masses of the people. The problems which still face us are no longer fundamental problems – they are tactical problems, which should be overcome in the coming year.