Date: May 25, 1963.
Source: Joint Statement of the Communist Party of
China and the Communist Party of New Zealand. Peking: Foreign Languages
Press, 1963; pages 9-13.
Transcription/HTML Markup: Juan Fajardo, for
MIA, July 2020.
We in New Zealand and in our Party have a great admiration for the mighty and glorious Chinese Communist Party. We know your record in the past. We know your record now in the building of socialism. We know the great role you are playing in the upholding of the banner of Marxism-Leninism in our world movement.
In New Zealand, a big ideological struggle took place in the years from 1949 to 1956 against Right opportunism, against the concept that our Communist Party of New Zealand was basically a Left-wing of social democracy, a force to struggle for a more progressive policy within the social democratic party, but not the party whose objective was the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism — the achievement of a socialist New Zealand. So for us in New Zealand, we emerged vigilant — watchful against such harmful trends as would turn a Communist Party into a social democratic party again arising in the future. This recent experience also made us vigilant against such developments on a world scale in our Marxist-Leninist world movement.
The modern revisionists are in practice, by their actions and influence, aiding the class enemy — imperialism — on a world scale.
Today, there exists the socialist camp and the balance of class forces on a world scale today greatly favours the international revolutionary movement and favours our Marxist-Leninist Parties. But imperialism, in its dying era, retains its basic content. It acts in practice in the same way as in the past. It uses all means both inside the socialist camp and in the capitalist world to disrupt our Parties and turn them away from the revolution, away from the path of October 1917. The nature of imperialism has not changed.
The modern revisionists hide their betrayal of Marxism-Leninism by accusing others of dogmatism; in fact they have developed theories saying that imperialism will peacefully die. They say that it will capitulate before socialist strength. In practice they act on this theory. But the imperialists do not recognize that they should peacefully fade away.
The imperialists do not worry too much who is in their bourgeois parliaments, because the real power rests not with parliament but with the state apparatus which in practice the dominant capitalist class controls.
The serious thing is that today some people believe in the alleged peaceful intentions of imperialism, believe that because of the existence of the socialist world camp and its undoubted strength, everywhere there can be a peaceful path to socialism. It is true that under special circumstances it may occur in some places, but even on this the first historical example has yet to come. To think that it can be done on a world scale is but to adopt the same position in our “new era,” as the modern revisionists are so fond of referring to it, as the revisionists of the earlier period — the Kautskys, the Bernsteins and the Plekhanovs — the people that Comrade Lenin had to combat so vigorously. You see, if this attitude is adopted, our Marxist-Leninist Parties would become in fact social democratic parties — bulwarks of imperialism.
The modern revisionists have overstressed the pos sibilities of peaceful transition to socialism. They have made Lenin’s concept of peaceful coexistence between countries of different social systems in practice a policy that asks for the holding back of the revolutionary forces in the colonial and capitalist world because these forces would disturb the “calm” period of relations with imperialism that they so desire. They capitulate to imperialist threats in order to maintain that “calm” period.
These people prattle about world peace. But is it not a fact that world peace is preserved not by talks be tween leaders but by the masses in opposition to impe rialism? This opposition may take many forms according to the local conditions — the struggle for national libera tion and the battle against monopoly inside the capitalist countries are all part of that fight for world peace. The modern revisionists do not accept this. As with the earlier revisionists, they have no faith in the masses. They say, leave it to us, don’t disturb things and we will reach agreement with imperialism. At that point, they are say ing that the class struggle is outdated as a basic factor in society.
They speak as though the concept of peaceful co existence is a new one, a great thought of theirs. In fact, it is Lenin who developed the concept of peaceful co existence between states, but Lenin did not say that this would make it necessary to hold back the revolutionary movement in all non-socialist countries. It is true that it cannot be held back, but the acceptance of that kind of anti-Marxist-Leninist lead by the world’s Communist Parties could act as a brake for a time. This is serious and is why they must be challenged.
The modern revisionists speak of peace, of the neces sity of preserving peace. Of course we stand to preserve world peace in spite of the fact they say we stand for war. But they reach the conclusion that to preserve peace we must in fact drop revolutionary struggle. They are now approaching a position where they say that today there can be no such thing as a just war because modern weapons, the nuclear bombs in the hands of the imperialists, make the concept that war is a continuation of politics by other means outdated and anyone who upholds such a view is now a dogmatist. They say that war will mean the total destruction of humanity.
Nuclear war would be highly destructive, but it does not alter the nature of war — just and unjust from a Marxist-Leninist approach. They say that if we act, if we move, the imperialists will throw the bomb. We can only capitulate to the imperialist blackmail on this issue if we follow the line of the modern revisionists. How quickly if one starts on a revisionist road does degeneration set in! The imperialists know this. They will threaten to use the bomb on all occasions, if we follow the revisionist line. Therefore, if we agree with the revisionists, we must give up all revolutionary struggle.
It is necessary to preserve and strengthen in the socialist countries the dictatorship of the proletariat and be vigilant against the regrowth of capitalist trends in a socialist society. A classic example of what happens when this approach is not made is Yugoslavia where we see the gains of the revolution lost and capitalism basically restored.
Marxism-Leninism will not be killed by the modern revisionists. The struggle against modern revisionism in our movement on a world scale will strengthen the ideological outlook of all Marxist-Leninists. Comrades, read the struggle against revisionism in the past in our world movement, restudy it, consider it from the angle of our present struggle to preserve the ideological correctness of Marxism-Leninism and yes, too, read what the modern revisionists say. Read, too, about how the imperialist propagandists praise and help the lies of the modern revisionists. Study all possible known facts and work the problem out in a dialectical, Marxist-Leninist way.
The battle for a correct Marxist-Leninist approach as set out in the Moscow Declaration of 1957 and the Moscow Statement of 1960 will be victorious not only in words but in practice. But, comrades, this will be so only if we fight fearlessly now against modern revisionism and for a correct Marxist-Leninist approach to all problems.
Long live proletarian internationalism!
Long live Marxism-Leninism!