Peter Petroff July 1917-1918
The following private letters from Peter Petroff to his wife Irma (Gellrich) with two from Irma to him were all copied by the British Censor and found in the recently released Home Office Files HO 144/17487 in February 2011 by Scott Reeve. There are two other Petroff H.O. files. Their letters were intercepted, censored and often returned to them if there was any political comment in them or that they described the conditions of the camp or the way they were being treated. Peter wrote to her enclosing cuttings from The Call. These were sent back to him. The Call was undated but looks like late March 1917, there is a report of a mass rally in support of the Russian Revolution. This was called by the Russian Socialist Groups, it was held at Mile End’s Great Assembly Hall. According to the Call 7,000 were at the meeting and as many as that could not get in. Fineberg, Fairchild and McEntee spoke and gave greetings from the BSP.
They have been transcribed by Ted Crawford from the typescript that was in turn copied by the Home Office from the manuscript letters. There seems consistently to be a word missing after the word “darling” with a hyphen. I suspect that it is a foreign word of endearment, perhaps in cyrillic script, and was not or could not be copied. There may be other errors. I have corrected obvious spellings and punctuation that may not always have been clear in the original manuscript.
Place of Internment,
Aylesbury
9 November 1917.
To Mr. Peter Petroff,
Islington.
Victory! Now the “18th of March” has been fought and the Petrograd “Commune” takes the place of the bourgeois-controlled Provisional Government. At last Free Russia will vindicate her rights as an independent Democracy and show that she is no British crown-colony whose interests may be sacrificed and liberties abandoned to serve the purposes of allied capitalists and increase the profits of the armament ring. Lenin and Trotsky are Marxian Social-democrats who without bothering about the barking of the capitalist press of the whole world will act as the interests of the working class demand and will – in spite of what the Manchester Guardian rightly calls England’s breach of faith in the Conference question – give to the people the peace it demands, confiscate the capitalist-owned land for the people from whom it has been stolen and put Russia’s liberty on a strong and sound foundation by calling the Constituent Assembly. Our leaders certainly do possess the confidence of the working class; the strength of Bolshevism (as the term is now understood i.e. including the internationalist (a Russian word) of Trotsky’s section) has been proved by the bloodlessness of these events iniciating (sic) this second phase of the Revolution. Like during the Commune: “wieicht die Protzenrepublik dum ersten Sturm de Masse”: True it is easier to storm a position than subsequently to hold it but taking into consideration economic conditions I am confident our brave Comrades will succeed to bring things to a favourable issue. — Let us hope this second trumpet call will not remain unheard or unheeded in other pacts of the world. I place great, very great, hopes in the peoples of Italy and Spain Argentine and Australia. It is true certain conditions in Italy have changed for the worse but Cadorna’s bloodthirsty proclamation and the great extension of the war zone are interesting. But the German proletariat? Have they gone mad rejoicing over their oppressors’ victories or do they feel ashamed that while Russian and Italian Comrades refused fight they had not sufficient courage for hat? Darling I am still too much excited to survey the situation in detail but so much is sure: the next few weeks or months will decide the fate of the human race – liberty, peace and cultural development or devastation and barbarism are the alternatives, the former is to be reached solely by the consolidation of the Revolution in Russia and its spreading all over Europe and further. Long live the Revolution! Long live Social-democracy!
I thank you heartily for your beautiful letter 159 your note of the 3rd and the enclosed articles and the splendid parcel!
Congratulating you heartily to the wonderful achievement of our Party with best Greetings and Kisses
Your Irma,
Place of Internment,
Aylesbury
11 November 1917.
To Mr. Peter Petroff,
Islington.
When I wrote my last letter I was so full of joyous excitement over our Comrades’ victory in Petrograd that I did not even thank you adequately for your dear beautiful letter 159 – the last that has so far reached me. Let me do it now! – As to your question about money etc I get sufficient and require nothing else except an old glove from you to get the size of your little paw for knitting you a pair. – Thanks for the Consul’s address – I have yesterday written to him. – What you say about my poems is so generally not correct you don’t sufficiently well German and thus judge them too favourably. But “Tendenzkunst ist nur dann Kunst wenn sie Kunst ist” which is not here always the case. They will do for a daily paper but nothing more. But what for do you want the first book? The “poems” it contains I have written as a child of 13 or 14 chiefly the Pro-Boer stuff then in the air, extremely silly; I kept it because it amused me to see my first attempts. If it’s lost – all the better!
Now darling I am glad that you consider my view of the Russian situation as expressed in 215 correct. The article you sent me a copy of is just now very interesting, it shows that the hopes of reactionaries here for Moscow are futile. I suppose the Menshevik-Internationalists are counted together with the Bolsheviks? The Guardian (9th) quotes an interesting letter by Chernov remarking on the bolo Bolshevism has now got on the peasantry. Do you know whether it is the peasants proper or the agricultural labourers who voted for our party? The term peasant is in Russian literature used in a wider sense than elsewhere but to differentiate here as the peasants proper will desert our flag as soon as they have got peace while the agricultural labourers are won for ever if they once understand our objects. – I am glad to see the character and the strength of the military organisations they are of the greatest importance for the future in case our Party cannot immediately hold till its present gains. The Social-revolutionaries will I think by this time have lost all their following except – let us hope – amongst intellectuals from whose allegiance the gods may preserve us: – Did you see the interesting comment of the German “'progressist” press in yesterday’s Times? They are shivering with fear lest the German proletariat might wake up from the Russian explosion! -The Austrian government seems to plan another offensive – this time against its own people; let us hope this will bring about another ‘unity of front’ i.e. between the Italian, Austrian and Russian Social-democrats! Meanwhile there comes encouraging news from South America and I further hope that news from New South Wales and her neighbours will soon be more favourable than that of old South Wales. Generally I think [undeciperable handwritten word] darling we too may be as optimistic as the Guildhall bulldog. All over the world the workers have capitalism well by the throat – the struggle is not yet won but the peoples’ victory is in sight.
many many Kisses,
Your Irma
The Institute,
Cornwallis Road,
Upper Holloway, London, N.19.
8 November 1917.
To Mrs. Irma Petroff,
Place of Internment,
Aylesbury.
I thank you heartily for your dear two letters Nos 216 and 219 and your beautiful poem which is a splendid revolutionary battle song; quite worthy of my wildest- ... ‘s pen! It is very appropriate for this stormy time and will retain its value for a very long time. To me it is especially dear as it is an expression of your thoughts and feelings which I am happy to share with you my darling-
You have raised some very interesting questions and I should like to answer immediately especially to your remarks about Longuet, Renaudel and the German majority Socialists but feel somewhat lazy at the present moment.
My mind is naturally absorbed by the Russian events which according to last night’s and this morning’s newspapers have taken a serious turn. As usual we got in the Press only perverted fragments which make it extremely difficult to get a clear idea of the actual situation.
You will remember that at the Democratic Conference which resulted in the formation of the Provisional Parliament a split occurred and that the Bolsheviks left first the Conference and then the Provisional Parliament. The Petrograd Council of the Workmen’s and Soldiers’ Dep. called an extraordinary congress of all the Councils. Whether this congress took place is not clear. At the same time difficulties had arisen on the questions of the projected removal of the seat of the Government to Moscow which was strongly opposed by the proletarian organisations and of the defence of Petrograd. A special military committee was formed by the Petrograd Council for the defence of Petrograd and this committee came into conflict with the staff of the Provisional Government. The activities of the counter-revolutionary parties hastened the conflict and made it more acute. But we must have in view that the Bolsheviks were always advocating the “Dictatorship of the Proletariat and the revolutionary peasantry” during the transistionary period of the Revolution.
The weak foreign policy and compromises with the “Cadets” resulted apparently in the dissatisfaction of the masses of the working class and the army. The Bolsheviks acquired tremendous influence and power. Now they are trying to assert themselves and are attempting to realise their power,
November 9
Today’s news of the official Petrograd Telegraph Agency published in the “Times” present an account of the startling developments in Russia although the state of affairs all over the country is not made quite clear. We have to await for further news.
I do not think I can in a few remarks make clear to you the meaning of the events. I shall attempt to express my views in the next letter. At present accept darling my hearty greetings and many many Kisses!
Your Peter
The Institute,
Cornwallis Road,
Upper Holloway, London, N.19.
21 November 1917.
To Mrs. Irma Petroff,
Place of Internment,
Aylesbury.
I am still here awaiting at any moment an order of the Home Office for my return to the “Islington Institute” or for some other arrangement. I am still at the Prison Hospital and am kept here at the hospital apparently because this is the most comfortable place in the prison; for I am perfectly well and was not ill when I was brought to this place. My books and all my things are at Islington Institute and I am not allowed here any writing materials but it is hardly worth while to trouble about this since according to the statement by the Governor of the Prison it is only a question of a day or two.
After twelve days of imprisonment here I got to-day the first newspaper viz. “The Times” of to-day’s date; but I was living with the beautiful impressions and the magnificent stream of light brought to this kingdom of darkness by your dear letters which I am receiving regularly. I have received Nos.220, 221, 222 and 224; No 223 has not yet arrived. I thank you heartily for your letters especially your congratulatory letter No. 221 which I greatly appreciate. It was written in such a zlopeka-like spirit and is such a marvellous concise summing up of the whole situation that only my darling- ? is capable of. I entirely agree with your views and share your optimism. It is obvious that a civil war was fought in Russia and that the Social Dem. Lab. Party is victorious everywhere. The entire working class the army (the absolute majority of the army) and the peasantry are undoubtedly supporting the main items of the minimum programme of our Party because they are forced by the existing conditions to do so. On the other hand the feudals, the capitalists, the petit bourgeois intellectuals are bound to offer the most desperate resistance. It is only natural that the reactionaries of other countries especially those who are playing the party of the “International Gendarme” – a part which was played before by the Tsar’s Government and now has been taken over by those who proclaim themselves the “defenders of the liberties of the world.” I agree with your remarks on Republicanism – although I regard Venizelos a blackguard and think that his republicanism is not worth a brass farthing.
many many Kisses,
your Peter
The Institute,
Cornwallis Road,
Upper Holloway, London, N.19.
23 November 1917.
To Mrs. Irma Petroff,
Place of Internment,
Aylesbury.
I have just received your dear letter No 223 which was somewhat delayed; No 224 I received on Wednesday. Let me thank you darling-? for the great joy and happiness I derived from your very interesting letters. I am delighted with your very able and deep analysis of the situation in Russia and must repeat again: I am very proud of my clever ?!- you apparently misunderstood some of my remarks in my letter No 161 and therefore you came to the erroneous conclusion that I did not welcome with the same enthusiasm as you did the great victory of our Party and the Revolutionary Democracy. You know my views on the little melodramatist Kerenski the “grand mother of the Revolution” and generally the old “Social Revolutionist” adventurers. The Kerenski petit bourgeois coalition cabinet which was dismissed by the rising proletariat was a counter Revolutionary and idiotic coalition. This gentry was constantly dancing under the music of the bitterest and most unscrupulous enemies of the Russian people and generally the enemies of the European Democracy. They were supported by the Russian bourgeoisie whose aim it is to kill the Revolution by using the people as gun fodder. Under these circumstances civil war became inevitable. Our Party – The Russ. Social Dem. Soc. Party – boldly recognising this mobilised its forces and gained victory not only over the feudals capitalists but also over the petit bourgeois adventurers and opportunists. The barking of the capitalist rags and the miserable European junker “statesmen” is only natural. I enjoy their shrieking which gives me the greatest pleasure. Do not believe the scribes of the capitalist press: they are contemptible liars. It would seem that the Bolshevik alone are stronger than all the other parties together. Nevertheless a combination of all the creative forces is essential in order to solve the great problems but it would, be suicidal to form a Ministry with the avowed “socia1-patriots” or to relax the strong measures to assure the victory of the people.
Many many kisses
Your Peter.
Excuse my handwriting: the nib is very bad. P.
The Institute,
Cornwallis Road,
Upper Holloway, London, N.19.
30 November 1917.
To Mrs. Irma Petroff,
Place of Internment,
Aylesbury.
I am so overwhelmed with the news of the great events in Russia and elsewhere that it is difficult for me to discuss calmly ar put my views on paper still more difficult it is for me to detract my mind from the great happenings and to talk about my lazy-self. I feel however that I owe you my dearest – an explanation an apology and – what is more important – a solemn declaration of better behaviour in the future.
When I heard that you were in a desperate position and that you were looking forward to a visit from the Russian Consul regarding it as “the only few straws of hope” to which you said you were clinging “in order not to drown.” I felt it imperative to come to your assistance. It was absolutely impossible for me to bear any longer the thought of the sufferings of my ?.
I tried in vain all the “constitutional” means at my disposal and finally resolved to stake my life in order to help you. I have written to the Home Secretary requesting permission to see you and declared that I had no other means but to go on hunger strike and thus to ask the British Government to take responsibility for my life as well. It is true that after having sent my letter to the Home Sec. the situation changed somewhat. The London Trades Council inserted in their agenda for 8th Nov. a resolution demanding our release and sugg. the appointment of a deputation of five to wait upon the Under Sec. of State and urge also for permission for me to visit you; in Scotland a very important and representative committee for the defence of Russian pol. Refugees was formed a number of meetings in connection with this matter (urging especially the release of my zlopska)! took place and resolutions to this effect are being sent to the Gov. by hundreds of British Labour Organisations. Under these circumstance and in view of the insistence of my friends who visited me and urged me not to take action I should have given up the hunger strike but as I had made a definite statement to the Home Secretary I could not refrain from the proposed action. On the third day namely on the 8th Nov. I had a long discussion with a gentleman from the Home Office who advised me to give up the hunger strike pointing out that the “threat” raises a question of prestige for the H.O. and only prejudices the matter. There was no attempt to show that that my request was in any way unreasonable, the objection was only to my method. I could not agree at that moment but after careful consideration afterwards I decided on the 9th Nov. to take food which I did. The most important reason for not pursuing further my action was the fear of the effect that it might have had on you darling- ? I commenced the action because of my great love for you and agreed to be defeated for your sakes.
Apart from that it was not my intention to injure my health or to endanger my life or to lower in any way the prestige of the Home Office and from the conversation with the Commandant Sir Frederick Halliday and the gentleman from the Home Office it became clear to me that the Home Office have no desire whatever to allow the subordinates to treat you harshly. The fact that the Home Office assured the regular and correct method of dealing with our correspondence is the best proof for it. I was taken to Pentonville Prison hospital and within two days felt perfectly well. Nevertheless I was kept there about three weeks. My health has improved to such an extent that I feel now stronger than any time during my internment. I was treated with great kindness and courtesy by the Doctor, the Governor of the Prison and consequently the whole administration. The great difficulty in the Prison was the application of the Prison Rules and Regulations from which the Governor could not deviate without special sanction. I recognised the difficulties of the Prison authorities who had to maintain discipline and avoided the possibility of any conflict. This was the best and only correct policy and it lead to a very mutual understanding and had good results. But I believe the kind treatment was due entirely to the Home Office and Inspector of Prisons who I am sure did his best to assist me. The answer of the Home Secretary to a question by Mr King in the House of Commons shows that there is no ill feeling. I returned to this place on Tuesday and found that my room was given away to a person who was here only a short time I am now in a room with two other internees; it is very inconvenient but what do this personal inconvenience mean in comparison with the happy turn of events have taken in Russia. Our party, the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party is triumphant all along the line. They are certainly not lacking in energy and courage. They defeated the reactionaries, the liberals, the utopians and the opportunists. With the greatest possible speed they are carrying through successfully the elections to the Constituent Assembly organising the food, the financial and other resources of the country and at the same time are dealing the mortal blow to the horrible imperialist war. They will win peace for the people and not only for the Russian people for I sincerely believe that we are on the eve of a general, democratic peace that will be honourable and satisfactory to all the peoples involved in this terrible catastrophe. I need hardly say more for my darling- ? you understand the situation better than any of the European statesmen do.
I am sure you were happy to read Trotsky’s peremptory demand for our release but it will cheer you still more to hear that our British comrades are straining their energies to attain this end. There is in the Labour press this week a statement by the “Russian Pol. Refugees Defence Committee on your and my case and that of Tchitcherine and from Scotland it is reported in the Labour Press “In spite of the very cold weather and the disapproval of the authorities a huge crowd of workers turned out on Glasgow Green on Sunday last. The meeting was organised by the Clyde Workers’ Committee and resolutions were unanimously passed demanding the release of Mr Peter Petroff and Mrs Irma Petroff and Tchitcherine.”
The British Government will be compelled to release us very soon. We can therefore treat with contempt the action of the Scottish Advisory Committee (if there is such in existence!) in condemning us to further imprisonment without having heard us. We can now quietly await the action of our friends and look joyfully into the near future immensely happy and am very proud of our Revolutionary Social Democratic Government with Trotsky as our greatest foreign Secretary and Lenin the most capable premier. Long Live the Revolution! Long Live the International!
Darling! I hereby declare solemnly to you that I will not any more take such action as hunger striking without your consent while I am imprisoned here and wish to get a similar declaration from you.
Congratulations hearty greetings and many many Kisses!
Your Peter.
Note by transcriber. A line down the side of passages connected with his hunger strike shows that the administration/censor is very interested in this. At a guess they did not want to force feed him for fear of the publicity involved.
The Institute,
Cornwallis Road,
Upper Holloway, London, N.19.
4 December 1917.
To Mrs. Irma Petroff,
Place of Internment,
Aylesbury.
I thank you heartily for your two dear letters Nos 227 & 228 which contain a remarkably clear and deep analysis of the situation in Germany and the possibilities of a Revolution there. The news from Russia is better even that I expected it to be; our Party is victorious everywhere at the elections except in a few small towns where only reactionary shopkeepers and pensioners prevail but even in the small towns the united forces of the Socialist factions and parties will swamp the bourgeois parties. I should feel happy but for the knowledge that you – my darling – are worried.
Yet I am glad that my letters which I sent from Pentonville Prison were mislaid for they were gloomy and do not reflect my present joyful disposition. I am very grateful indeed to the Home Office for the kindness they have shown by informing you that I was well. By such action they assist us in getting rid of the bitterness which was accumulated through the long period of internment. I am immensely happy darling – that your admiration for the British Democracy as well as mine has not diminished one iota. Of course only fools could believe that by the unjust and wrong action of the British Government against us our Social-democratic views and our true Internationalism could in any way alter. I am very proud that the British working class and the Russian people (I deliberately use the word people because all the Russian democr. parties will undoubtedly support Trotsky’s demand) are most energetically demanding our immediate release. You are reading the newspapers and I hardly need comment much on this personal matter; I wish however to draw your attention to the remarks of the “Times” and “Daily Mail” correspondent who hints that our speedy release is essential. According to the Daily Mail Kerensky’s Cabinet demanded on several occasions our release but they were unsuccessful – apparently because their demand as well as their policy generally was not strong enough! Now I believe we may prepare for an early departure. Oh! how happy we shall be in the very near future! I congratulate you my darling and greet you heartily! I wish I could communicate with Tchitcherine (who is still at Brixton Prison, and congratulate him as Ambassador of Revolutionary Russia.
I have just received your splendid parcel with the note of contents dated Dec. 1st. This shows me that my dear is well and I therefore value the parcel more than I can say. I thank you!
Today’s “Daily Mail” contains some “biographical” remarks about you, myself and comrade Tchitcherine. I need hardly say that with the exception of one or two points the “Daily Mail” remarks are but idiotic lies. I advise you to get a copy and read it for amusement for really it is amusing. I am however considering whether I should not prosecute the Northcliffe rag.
Many many kisses!
Your Peter.
Note by transcriber. The last paragraph has a line in pencil down the side and a cross. Clearly the threat of a libel action for information almost certainly derived from the government put the wind up them.
* * *
The Institute,
Cornwallis Road,
Upper Holloway, London, N.19.
7 December 1917.
To Mrs. Irma Petroff,
Place of Internment,
Aylesbury.
Yesterday I have received your dear letter No 230; I have now all your letters of the last two months with the exception of No. 229 which I may get to-day. I am surprised that some of your correspondence is still either delayed or withheld. Write to the Home Office and request them to enquire into the matter and it will be remedied, But you must have in view that some times letters from the outside world to intern. Camps are being delayed or lost in the post office. Happily this cannot happen to our letters which we are sending to each other because they are censored by the Home Office.
I am very sorry that my action which you will no doubt regard as extremely stupid resulted in trouble and anxiety to you darling- Fortunately you received my note of the 27th (4?) early enough. In my letter No 166 I told you the whole truth; I even informed you about the loss of my room. You will see therefore that I am not hiding anything from you regarding my present position. I am perfectly well, joyful and happy and shall feel so as long as I get good news from you! You should not think that at the present moment I feel in a common room as uncomfortable as I would have felt several months ago. The attitude of the Islington inhabitants towards me has undergone a radical change. I do not attempt in anyway to alter their views or what might be called their views; I am very tolerant and they are treating me with great respect.
I am afraid I was too optimistic when I said that we be prepared to pack up any day. Things do not move so quickly as that with Gov. Departments. It seems that the Foreign Office will delay the answer as long as possible. But the Russian Revolutionary Democracy and the British labour movement will wake them up. In Trotski’s note Tchitcherine you and I are specifically mentioned apparently because we are more known to the people there; it does not however follow that he and the Russian Democracy will be less resolute regarding the other citizens of the Great Russian Dem. Republic especially my darling – Kerenski’s Cabinet demanded your and my release; the present government do not only demand but are insisting upon their demand. You see that I was right in following the dictates of my heart as well as reason and rejected the advice to accept the offer and to go myself to Russia. Oh! how happy we shall feel! We have had plenty of thorns at last we are approaching the roses! We must await patiently the hour of our liberation. Let us in the mean time prepare ourselves for the work in the interests of the people in which I hope we shall be able soon to participate.
I am sure you will like Trotski’s firm attitude towards the German Junkers and Imperialists. There can be no doubt that the German Junkers would prefer a separate peace with Allied imperialists at the expense of Revolutionary Russia to a general democratic peace but the contemptible Junkers and Imperialists will be defeated and let us hope crushed. The elections to the Constituent Assembly are proceeding well (We do not apparently get the correct figure in the Reuter messages) The right of recall which was established according to to-day’s newspapers is very proper and democratic. The energetic prelim solution of the land problem, the organisation of the food supply and other measures will undoubtedly be welcomed by the majority of the people. The “Times” correspondent’s interviews are certainly not a correct statement of Trotski’s views. This will be obvious to you from the manner in which the correspondent writes. The “Times” correspondent’s statement that “British workmen in a factory here (Petrograd) have lately received a friendly warning from Russian comrades that they had better leave the country as trouble may be brewing” is mischievous and undoubtedly a lie. The Petrograd workers would never in any way be hostile to the British working men. The incessant talk of the British capitalist rags about the separatism of the Ukraine as a whole is simply idiotic. The Ukrain Social. Dem. Party which is very strong is utterly opposed to separatism. I am afraid I cannot say this about the petit bourgeois “socialists” of Finland.
I have sent you to-day under sep. cover the “New Statesman” of Dec, 1st in which you will find an interesting statement regarding our release. I wish I could send you some Labour Journals of this week which comment upon Trotski’s note and are demanding your release, that of Tchitcherine and myself.
Yesterday I have sent a reply to the “Daily Mail” which might appear either tomorrow or next week.
Do you receive regularly your allowance? I have sent you this week two parcels of fruit.
Many many Kisses
Your Peter
The Institute,
Cornwallis Road,
Upper Holloway, London, N.19
11 December 1917.
To Mrs. Irma Petroff,
Place of Internment,
Aylesbury.
I have received your letter Nos. 230 & 232: 229 and 231 are missing. You have read of course the Reuter statement in the press to the effect that the question of our release “was mentioned at the Paris Inter-allied Conference” and that the British ambassador in Russia announced “the decision of the British govt. that they will not yield to the threat” of the Russian Government. I am not surprised at all: the foreign policy of the British Government has been so adventurous, reactionary and stupid that no reasonable “decision” could be expected. They must muddle more and more before a flash of common sense visits their minds. The British and the Russian proletariat will soon make them move, and therefore you, darling, are quite justified in your optimism. It is interesting that the “Times” correspondent in his cablegram of yesterday again urges our release, of course for the sake of the British bureaucrats and plutocrats resident in Russia and not because of any principles of justice & fairplay. We were according to the “Times” correspondent “a danger to a Friendly Allied Government,” i.e. to the Kerenski-Korniloff combination, but now since the Socialdem. Lab. Party is in power “The detention of these persons assumes a different aspect.” We must congratulate the Northcliffe correspondent with the frankness he exhibits. Our continued imprisonment was and is an insult to revolutionary Russia, but we may rest assured that our comrades who have the support of the majority of the Russian people will not allow any interference by the British or any other government in the internal affairs of Russia.
It is obvious that despatches from Russia are not allowed to appear and that only mutilated perverted and false paragraphs are published in the capitalist press in this country therefore all the important Russian events are covered by a thick fog. In today’s “Times,” for example, appears a statement about the second sitting of the Constituent Assembly and not a word has been said about the first sitting or even about final results of the elections. The “Daily News” talks incoherently about elections and quotes some statements by Tchernoff at a Peasant’s conference which has long ago finished its work and repudiated the right and the moderates of the “Social Revolutionaries” and approved the immediate programme and policy of the Bolsheviks.
The reactionaries in this country and elsewhere are expressing openly and enthusiastically their hopes of a counter-Revolution in Russia, they rely upon Kaleidin, Rodzianko &c; but they will soon find out that they are living in a fool’s paradise. The mass of the Cossacks will not support their contemptible reactionary officers, they will rather arrest their officers and deliver them to the Councils of Workmen’s & Sold. Dep. in which the cossacks are represented. At all events the government has, sufficient armed forces to deal effectively with any Counterrevolutionary adventures and the proclamation published in yesterday’s newspapers shows that the Revol. Gov. means business.
I have read in today’s “Daily News” the splendid article of the “Pravda” directed against the German Imperialists and reactionaries. I know that you, my darling, will be delighted with the severe criticism of the German Junker government and the social Patriots. This of course is the attitude the Bolsheviks have always taken up in dealing with the German imperialists and social patriots, and only the extremely ignorant English newspaper scribes can be surprised by the dignified and firm attitude of Trotsky & Lenin.
I am perfectly well and happy. I hope that very soon we shall go to Russia and participate there in the great work.
Hearty greetings and many, many kisses
Your PETER
The Institute,
Cornwallis Road,
Upper Holloway, London, N.19.
13 December 1917.
To Mrs. Irma Petroff,
Place of Internment,
Aylesbury.
I thank you heartily for your dear beautiful letter I which I have received yesterday (No. 232 I got earlier).
I am very sorry that my action and my journey to Pentonville caused you so much unnecessary anxiety. I have told the whole truth and have not exaggerated in the least when I said that I feel perfectly well, joyful and happy. My chief concern is that you should feel likewise. Constant trouble, long imprisonment the sudden changes of the situation and expectation of liberation affect our nerves. We must, however, preserve and even improve our health for the new happy life and struggles which are in front of us.
We have really no reason whatsoever to feel unhappy at the present moment. It is true the the terrible sufferings of the peoples involved in the war are now greater than ever and the wholesale slaughter which is going on make one feel horrible. But the horizon is at present not entirely covered with black clouds. In the East the sun of liberty has risen which is moving towards the West. Through the thick fog of lies and the waves of various kinds of poisonous gases and amidst the tremendous noise of the bloodthirsty animals and the watchdogs of capitalism and privilege we can see the approaching light, joy and happiness for the suffering peoples and beautiful prospects for ourselves. Our Revolution, the greatest of all Revolutions is proceeding at full speed and its waves are sweeping further and further into Europe and all the world. Our comrades with the greatest possible determination, and with an iron will are carrying the Revolution to its logical conclusion. In a very short time they succeeded in carrying through a number of reforms according to programme; they are most energetically clearing the Augean stables of reactionaries (the Courts, Embassies, Consulates etc), fighting successfully numerous enemies and are leading the Russian people towards peace, which let us hope will be general and democratic. Of course the consolidation of the Russian Revolution, as you said in your beautiful letter No. 221, is more important than anything else.
The Proletariat of all the world is interested in that. I was very glad to see that stated clearly in the “Pravda” a few days ago (according to the “Times”). The political movement of the proletariat in this country, so far as the large masses are concerned, is still inarticulate. In the United States the Socialist Party as a whole remains loyal to the international social democratic principles and is growing by leaps and bounds, but it is of course still in a hopeless minority and cannot affect as yet the attitude of that Country towards peace or hinder the trusts and the yellow agents of the trusts. I have heard the French minority socialists (apparently the Zimmerwaldians) have sent an enthusiastic massage of congratulation to our Bolshevik government but the attitude of the majority of the French Socialist Party remains obscure; only Italy seems to be on the brink of Revolution. Under these circumstances and in view of the savage active hostility of the Allied governments towards the Russian Revolutionary Democracy towards the Councils of Workmen’s, Soldiers & Peasants Deputies the Russian proletariat must rely upon its own strength and will to find a way out of the present position. This the Proletariat is doing with the support of the revolutionary army and peasantry. I am confident that the enemies of the people, the Kaleidins, Karniloffs and their inspirers will soon be crushed. The people will triumph over the feudals, capitalists and their opportunist servants.
Have you read Dr. Hagber Wright’s letter in yesterday’s “Times” about Tchitcherine and myself? He urges our release and asks “What possible excuse can there be for this stimulating Russian hatred towards England? Does no responsible person at the Foreign Office understand the Russian temperament? Has the Foreign Office not done enough already by its sins of omission to estrange the Russian people for some time?” “But the present government of this country are simply repeating their stereo-typed phrase; “Do not embarrass us.” We have to “wait and see.”
December 14th
The news this morning from Russia is again very obscure. Detachments of the Army, Navy and the Red Guards are fighting Kaleidin’s and Korniloff’s forces. Perhaps tomorrow or on Monday we shall hear of the complete defeat of the latter. Apparently 40 “Cadet” and “Social-patriotic” members of the Constituent Assembly desired to display a farce but were prevented. They really should have had the decency to wait for a quorum. I am afraid, however that I have not yet sufficient facts to venture a definite expression of opinion on the policy of the various parties at this moment. I know that the Reuter and other messages are perversions of the truth. This applies also to rumours of Japanese landings at Vladivostok etc. Both the United States and Japan will think twice before they venture any military action against the Russian Revolution.
Hearty greetings and many many kisses.
(Signed) Your PETER.
*P.S. I enclose herewith a typed copy of an article which appeared in a socialist journal last week.
* Note by transcriber. This was cut out by the censor.
The Institute,
Cornwallis Road,
Upper Holloway, London, N.19.
14 December 1917.
To Mrs. Irma Petroff,
Place of Internment,
Aylesbury.
A few minutes ago I have sent to you a long letter (No.170), but have just received your two dear letters Nos. 133 and 134 and must answer them immediately. I can easily get my letter No 170 and add a few words. I prefer, however, to write a separate note which might reach you sooner. I appreciate very much the contents of both letters and thank you heartily, darling! I do understand your feelings, but I have to apologise and not you, for my action caused you anxiety. I am very alarmed by your statement to the effect that you are contemplating some action and also by the fact that you did not promise me not to do so. I wish to entreat you, not to do anything of the kind. Promise me to refrain from any action whatsoever. You really have no reason whatsoever to worry about me. I am treated by the authorities of this camp with the greatest kindness and generally feel well and happy. Should you take any action you would make my life miserable and drive me mad. Therefore I request you to answer me by return of post promising not to take any action whatsoever but to do everything possible under the circumstances to improve your health. This will be the best and most practical way of showing your love to me. I am living in a room with two persons who are exceedingly kind to me, and I do hope we may both soon be released.
Hearty greetings and many many kisses.
(Signed) Yours Peter.
P.S. I shall soon write again and hope to communicate to you some good news.
The Institute,
Cornwallis Road,
Upper Holloway, London, N.19.
17 December 1917.
To Mrs. Irma Petroff,
Place of Internment,
Aylesbury.
At last the long expected message has arrived the hour of our personal liberation and reunion has struck!
The great Russian Revolution which has brought liberty to the people and is promising a general peace to suffering Europe carries on its wings the message of our personal liberty. My darling- accept my hearty greetings and congratulations! Long live the Revolution! Long live the International!
Many, many Kisses
Your Peter
The Institute,
Cornwallis Road,
Upper Holloway, London, N.19.
20 December 1917.
To Mrs. Irma Petroff,
Place of Internment,
Aylesbury.
I thank you heartily for your dear and very interesting letter No.136, 235 as well as your subsequent letters have not yet arrived, but I hope get them soon.
Darling- You really have no reason to worry about my present condition in this place. I am perfectly well and feel quite comfortable. Even if I had to remain here a long time – which of course is not the case you, should not trouble for I am quite capable of making myself quite comfortable. At the present moment I am living in a room with two German-English (naturalised) tailors who are very good neighbours. They are opposed to Prussian Junkerism and Militarism and sympathise with the Russian Revolutionary Democracy. Therefore I am getting on with them very well indeed. They do not interfere with my reading and generally are very kind to me. Perhaps I may mention there is another personage in the room, namely a beautiful Parrot who amuses me immensely. He is waking me very morning at 7 o'clock by calling out “Good morning!” “What do you want?” I am very persistent with my gymnastics and am taking regular long walks and feel stronger than ever. During the last three days I was, sliding a great deal on the ice in the garden. I should feel happy if I knew that you are well and joyful.
I was also much amused by the “Parliamentary proceedings” the secret sitting etc. in connection with our case. By declining to release us and preventing us from going to Russia the British government managed to make our case a question of international importance. As they have no reasonable explanation to put forward for our detention they are naturally afraid of the light of day. I believed we would be free before Xmas but apparently some more muddling and blundering is required before we are finally released and allowed to proceed home. I am not sure whether this is so but we shall be able to arrange for our departure. We may however rest assured that our Bolshevik Government and the British proletariat will not allow much more delay. I have heard that a Russian destroyer is coming to take us to Russia. We shall therefore have a safe passage. It is good that you my brave ? like a stormy sea journey and are not afraid of sea sickness. A few days ago the Daily Mail, talking about Tchitcherine you and myself, said: “It is not thought likely she will be released.” Although this miserable Northcliffe rag is boasting of leading the government I do not believe that the responsible heads of the government can entertain at the present moment such brutal and criminal “thoughts” because as apart from being brutal and stupid such thoughts would be extremely stupid. At all events you know that I have long ago decided to remain imprisoned myself than leave you at Aylesbury in fact I should rather prefer to go through any ordeal than accept such a proposition You are not only my dear beloved ? but also my best comrade. Therefore it is also a question of comradeship and solidarity. Let the British Government do with us whatever they like, morally we are stranger for we are right and they are wrong. You have acted similarly when I was interned you could have gone to a neutral country but you preferred imprisonment in the same country where I was interned; when I was threatened with deportation and delivery to the Tsar’s government you wrote to me: “Ich verlass Dech nicht;” you were prepared to share all the sufferings that were in my path; now you must share the joys which we have both earned by long suffering and devoted service to the cause of the people. I cannot do better than repeating your brave words: “Ich verlass Dech nicht!” I have one earnest request to you take the best possible care of your health, keep calm and joyful. By this you will render me greatest possible assistance and make me feel happy; by this you will show your great love for me. Hearty greetings my darling-
I am glad that you understand so well the Russian and international situation. I am simply delighted with your remarks. As you are such a clever [woman] there is no need for me to assure you that the stories relative to “civil war in Southern Russia” contained in today’s papers are but the will of imagination of the scribes. The same applies to the talk of the bourgeois press about the Constituent Assembly. We have had so far (in the British capitalist press) only the results of the elections in a few districts but even from this account it is obvious that the Social-Dem Labour Party and the Left Wing of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, which is actually a new party, will have the absolute majority in the Constituent Assembly and both these parties are cooperating in the prevent government. There are of course great difficulties with the Ukrainian bourgeois and nationalist elements and with the chauvinist and extreme nationalist elements of Finland. But I am confident that our proletarian government of the Councils of Workmen’s and Soldiers’ Deputies will manage them. Those who pin their fate upon the continuation of the “Civil war in Russia” will very soon be disappointed.
I do not discuss here further political questions because hope we shall be able to do so during our journey to Russia!
December 21st.
I have just received your two dear beautiful letters Nos 235 and 237 Oh! how grateful I am to you! I can hardly find words to express adequately my great love! Yes we shall soon meet – you will be happy in Russia.
Many, many kisses
Your Peter.
The Institute,
Cornwallis Road,
Upper Holloway, London, N.19.
25 December 1917.
To Mrs. Irma Petroff,
Place of Internment,
Aylesbury.
Let me thank you again for your beautiful parcel which I have received yesterday. I like very much the gloves and the other things but regret very much that your New Year card is missing. Apparently the card was withheld by the Aylesbury censor. Please ask that it be returned to you and enclose it in one of your next letters to me. The Home Office censor will no doubt allow it.
In two of your letters you expressed the hope or rather the desire that Turkey will conclude a separate peace with the Allies. I understand why you would like to see that happening: you are afraid that a separate peace with Russia would greatly increase the power of the German Imperialists and the semi-absolutist German Government which should then menace the German Democracy and the democracy of other countries. This was your view in 1915 but now you are anxious at the same time for the fate of the Russian Revolution which might be jeopardised by the continuation of the war. You are therefore praying that Turkey may make a separate peace with the -Allies in order that the “balance of power” between the two contending groups of imperialists should be preserved that is what it amounts to if your remarks are to be taken seriously. Excuse me darling – for putting it this way. Your remarks remind me of your baseless expectations in 1914 that the German Army would be defeated by the combined Belgian and French forces and that a Revolution would take place in Germany. Precisely like in 1914 I sympathised with your good wishes but did not believe in the possibility of their realisation so I appreciate your remarks about Turkey but must say they are baseless. We must not ignore facts. Words and illusions vanish facts remain. The foreign policy of the Allies has thrown Turkey in the East into the embrace of the German and Austrian Imperialists and further the present appetites of the Allies to preclude the possibility of a separate peace with Turkey.
Have you read the speech of the Gloomy Dean? He is praising the Prussian autocracy, its methods of warfare and is running down Democracy and democratic Institutions. In his opinion only autocracy proved itself efficient. Should that be the case then the Tsar’s Government must have been exceptionally efficient and the present British must of course be regarded as a very successful and ideal government! The reactionary Dean and those with him conceal the well known historical fact that only those governments were efficient who were constantly under the control of an intelligent and uncorruptible Democracy and who were subjected to a severe criticism of an honest and clean press. It is indeed an irony that the German socialdem Party with their anti-militarist powerful press prevented wholesale theft and inefficiency of the German military machine. But of course the ability of carrying on ruthless warfare is no attribute of good government. It is remarkable that the Press of this country gave such prominence to the reactionary Dean’s views. This is the press which talks so much about the destruction of Prussian militarism and autocracy.
To Mrs Irma Petroff
December 28th
According to yesterday’s “Times” and the “Manch. Guardian” the British Embassy at Petrograd issued a notification that the Brit. Gov. granted the release of Russian citizens interned in this country. But we are still deprived of our liberty and so is Tchitcherine! I have therefore written yesterday to the Home Secretary asking that we may now be released in order that we may be able to make the necessary arrangements for our departure. Oh! how happy I should be if we could meet together in the New Year! Let us hope that we shall celebrate the Russian New Year in Russia.
The answer of the quadruple alliance accepting the main points of the Russian formula I regard as a great victory of the Russian German and Austrian Social Democratic Parties. According to the British labour journals since the advent of the Bolsheviks to power the Social Democrats (both the minority and the majority) carried, on a vigorous campaign. Hundreds of meetings were held by the majority socialists in all the large towns in Germany. In each case the meetings were attended by several thousands of people and resolutions were passed welcoming the Russian offer of an armistice and peace and calling on the German Government to accept the Russian formula without any reservations. At one of the meetings Schneidermann said:.... “We are glad that the peoples of Germany and Austria-Hungary with an agreement bordering unanimity have so decidely rejected all the plans of Polish kings and Courland Dukes and Lithuanian princes that there can be no thought of their resurrection. We want to come to an understanding with the Russian people as to the form in which liberty is to be given to the people of the occupied districts .... Many things separate us from the Bolsheviks and we shall never believe that the methods which they consider right for Russia can be workable in all the countries of the world. But what unites us with them is our common Socialist aims and that is especially the desire to work in every way to end the insane murder of each other by the people.” The minority Socialists on the other hand solidarise themselves entirely with the Bolsheviks.
Whether the Allied governments will take advantage of the door opened by the Social-democrats for a general peace remains to be seen. That the Bolos of the Northcliffe press do not want to hear even the word peace is of course only natural. They are quite properly called Neverendians.
Hearty greetings and many many kisses!
Your Peter.
The Institute,
Cornwallis Road,
Upper Holloway, London, N.19.
26.12 1917.
To Mrs. Irma Petroff,
Place of Internment,
Aylesbury.
In my letter, which I have sent to you yesterday, I have been unjust and perhaps wrong in criticising severely your remarks regarding Turkey. I regret that very much and apologise! I am afraid it was very stupid of me to recall your mistakes of 1914, for every one of us makes mistakes in estimating the extremely difficult and complicated situation created by the world-war. Only those do not make mistakes, who do not think for themselves and do not act. My consolation, however, is that you, my darling..... will give me a deserving answer. I hope also that you, being not only an extremely clever but also a kind z.... will forgive me.
Since the receipt of your dear letter No. 237 dated Dec, 16th I have not heard from you (the receipt of your parcel I have already acknowledged); I am therefore impatiently awaiting today’s post. Although the British Embassy at Petrograd announced that the British Government acceded to the demand of the Russian Government regarding our release I have not heard yet anything from the Home or Scottish Office to this effect. But I hope we shall not have to wait very long. This hope of our speedy liberation and reunion and the good prospect of a general peace will keep you joyfu1and happy.
I have just received your dear letters 239-240 and the beautiful new year card. I thank you heartily! Best wishes for the new year and hearty revolutionary greetings! But I am still hoping to see you by that time.
Many, many kisses!
Your Peter.
P.S.
I enclose herewith a reproduction of
Lenin’s, Miliuokov’s Kaleidin’s & Shengorev’s photos
Note by transcriber. This is the last letter. They were released shortly afterwards.
The Institute,
Cornwallis Road,
Upper Holloway, London, N.19.
JANUARY 1st 1918.
To Mrs. Irma Petroff, Place of Internment,
Aylesbury.
Our hope that we would meet this new year together has not been realised. Cut off the outside world, far away from our friends and comrades and separated from each other we are reviewing the horrors and the bright events of the past year, we are contemplating the tremendous joyful events of the near future and are dreaming of the great personal happiness which we are undoubtedly approaching. The thought that you, my darling, are still imprisoned is most painful to me
but I know that the successes of the Russian Revolution, the triumphs of our great proletarian Government, the awakening of the proletariat in other countries, my deep love for you and the prospect of our speedy reunion and happiness will assist you in bearing the sufferings of the present moment. What a difference there is between the situation of last year and the bright prospects of this 1918! Last year the forces of reaction were all powerful and the masses of the people were still last asleep under the influence of the poisonous gas of Imperialism. Now the European reaction is mortally wounded. The great Russian Revolution, our proletarian Government and the awakening proletariat generally are dominating the situation.
With the Russian Revolution a radical change has taken place in our personal position. Last year I was still a political refugee, under the threat of delivery to the Tsar’s fiends, and you were preparing yourself to share the fate which was facing me then. Now we are free citizens of the great Russian Republic and are expected there as guests of the proletarian state. Think of it and you will be immensely joyful and happy. Our liberation will soon be attained. In the meantime I am living with the impressions of your dear letters (I have now Nos.238, 239, 240 and 241). Your great love fills my heart and soul.
Revolutionary new year greetings and many, many kisses
Your Peter.