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The Partial Strike.— The Syndicalist is a possibilist. While attending the time he will be strong enough to dispossess his masters by the general strike, he carries on a continual guerilla warfare with them, winning whatever concessions he can from them. In this daily warfare he uses a variety of tactics — chosen solely because of their effectiveness. Of these, the one most commonly used is the partial strike.
The Syndicalist is opposed, on principle, to the partial strike as he would much rather settle with capitalism by the general strike. But realizing the impossibility of accomplishing the general strike at present, owing to the uneducated and unorganized state of the working class and knowing, also, that strikes offer the workers the best opportunities to secure this education and organization, he does the next best thing by provoking strikes wherever they have a reasonable chance for success. He makes these strikes as large, as revolutionary and as nearly approaching his general strike as possible.
The result of this policy is that in countries where the Syndicalist movement is strong, strikes are taking on an extent and revolutionary character, and achieving a success unknown in countries with conservative labor movements. A typical instance of the success of Syndicalist tactics is seen in the case of the printers and building trades laborers of Paris. The unskilled building trade laborers are Syndicalist, and use revolutionary tactics. The skilled printers are Socialists, and use conservative tactics. Result: “Three-fourths of the printers earn no more, perhaps less, than the building trade laborers.”[8] Of this success, Emile Vandervelde, a prominent Belgian Socialist, and, by no means, a friend of Syndicalism, was forced to admit in a recent address that the Syndicalist C. G. T. (General Confederation of Labor) of France, with about 400,000 members, has accomplished more practical results than the numerically five times stronger Socialist unions of Germany.[9]
The Scab.— A larger portion of the Syndicalists’ success in their strikes is due to their energetic treatment of the strikebreaker. According to Syndicalist ethics, a poverty stricken workingman, in his predicament, can do anything save scab. He may beg, borrow, steal, starve or commit suicide, and still retain the friendship and esteem of his fellow workers; but, let him take the place of a striker and he immediately outlaws himself. He becomes so much vermin, to be ruthlessly exterminated. The French Syndicalists are especially merciless towards scabs. They are making strikebreaking such a dangerous profession that scabs are becoming pleasingly scarce and expensive. They literally hunt scabs as they would wild animals. This war on scabs is popularly known as “La chasse aux renards” (The fox chase).
Sabotage.— Next to the partial strike, the most effective weapon used by the Syndicalists in their daily warfare on capitalism is Sabotage.[10] Sabotage is a very general term. It is used to describe all those tactics, save the boycott and the strike proper, which are used by the workers to wring concessions from their employers by inflicting losses on them through the stopping or slowing down of industry, turning out of poor product, etc. These tactics, and consequently, the forms of sabotage, are very numerous. Many of them are closely related in character. Often two or more kinds of sabotage are used simultaneously or in conjunction with the strike.
Perhaps the most widely practiced form of sabotage is the restriction by the workers of their output. Disgruntled workers all over the world instinctively and continually practice this form of sabotage, which is often referred to as “soldiering.” The English labor unions, by the establishment of maximum outputs for their member, are widely and successfully practicing it. It is a fruitful source of their strength.
The most widely known form of sabotage is that known as “putting the machinery on strike.” The Syndicalist goes on strike to tie up industry. If his striking fails to do this, if strike breakers are secured to take his place, he accomplishes his purpose by “putting the machinery on strike” through temporarily disabling it. If he is a railroader he cuts wires, puts cement in switches, signals, etc., runs locomotives into turntable pits, and tries in every possible way to temporarily disorganize the delicately adjusted railroad system. If he is a machinist or factory worker, and hasn’t ready access to the machinery, he will hire out as a scab and surreptitiously put emery dust in the bearings of the machinery or otherwise disable it. Oftentimes he takes time by the forelock, and when going on strike “puts the machinery on strike” with him by hiding, stealing or destroying some small indispensable machine part which is difficult to replace. As is the case with all direct-action tactics, even conservative workers, when on strike, naturally practice this form of sabotage — though in a desultory and unorganized manner. This is seen in their common attacks on machines, such as street cars, automobiles, wagons, etc., manned by scabs.
Another kind of sabotage widely practiced by Syndicalists is the tactics of either ruining or turning out inferior products. Thus, by causing their employers financial losses, they force them to grant their demands. The numerous varieties of this kind of sabotage are known by various terms, such as “passive resistance,” “obstructionism,” “pearled strike,” “strike of the crossed arms,” etc.
The French railroad strike of 1910 offers a fine example of this type of sabotage. The strike was lost and 3,300 men were discharged because of it. As a protest against this wholesale discharge, an extensive campaign of passive resistance on the railroads was started. The workers worked, but only for the purpose of confusing the railroad system. In the freight sheds shipments of glass were laid flat and heavy boxes piled upon them; “this side with care” shipments were turned wrong side up; fragile and valuable articles were “accidentally” broken; perishable goods were buried and “lost”, or ruined by being placed close to other shipments, such as oils and acids, that spoiled them. Also a complete confusion was caused by the deliberate mixture and missend of shipments. On the roads engines broke down or “died” unaccountably; wires were cut; engines “accidentally” dumped into turntable pits; passenger train schedules were given up, trains arriving and departing haphazard. But the worst confusion came from the missending of cars. Thousands of cars were hauled all over France in a haphazard manner. For instance, the billing of a car of perishable goods intended for the north of France would be so manipulated that the car would be sent to the south of France and probably “lost.” At a place just outside of Paris there were, at one time, 1,800 of such “lost” cars — many of them loaded with perishable freight, consigned to no one knew whom. The most ridiculous “accidents” and “mistakes” continually occurred — for this is the humorous form of sabotage. To cite a typical instance: Army officials in one town received notice of the arrival of a car-load of dynamite for them. They sent a large detachment of soldiers to convoy it through town. On arrival at its destination the supposed carload of dynamite turned out to be a “lost” shipment of potatoes.
As a result of this pearled strike the railroads had to employ thousands of additional employees in a fruitless attempt to straighten out the ridiculous tangle. They eventually had to re-employ the discharged workers.
The Italian railroads, several years ago, were completely demoralized by a campaign of obstructionism waged by their employees. By the workers simply living up to the letter of the regulations of the companies — which were similar to those in force on all railroads, but which are generally ignored by workers for the sake of expediency — they made it impossible to further operate the railroads until their demands were granted.
For several years the building trades workers of Paris have extensively practiced this form of sabotage. By systematically working slow and clumsy and deliberately spoiling their work and building material, they have demoralized the building industry. The building contractors are unable to cope with these insidious tactics. In 1910 they called a mass meeting of 30,000 capitalists, landlords and architects to devise ways and means to combat them.
This meeting, which, by the way, failed to discover the sabotage antitoxin, was an eloquent testimonial to the effectiveness of sabotage. It is doubtful if any such meeting has ever been necessary to combat strikes, however extensive they may have been. Indeed sabotage has proven so successful that there are many who believe it will finally supersede the strike entirely. In France, so great is the fear of the masters of sabotage, that rebel public speakers refer to it only under danger of long imprisonment. This fear is by no means confined to France. The mere threat of the striking textile workers of Lawrence to sabotage their machinery and product in case they were forced back to work was a powerful deterrent to prevent their masters from breaking their strike. These scared individuals admitted that there are 1,000 ways in which rebellious workers can spoil cloth without fear of detection.
“Badigeonage” (literally, stone colorage) is another variety of sabotage that has been effectively used. The barbers of Paris forced their employers to grant them their demands by throwing eggs filled with acid against the painted fronts of the barber shops which, after such treatment, had to be repainted. Of the 2,300 barber shops in Paris 2,000 were subjected to this treatment from 1902 to 1906, while the “badigeonage” campaign lasted.
“La bouche ouverte” (the open mouth) is another type of sabotage; often used. By “la bouche ouverte” workers financially hurt their employers by telling the latter’s customers of the deceptions practiced upon them. Building trades workers tell building inspectors and architects of poor material used and cause it to be condemned and the work to be done over again, striking waiters expose the filthiness of the restaurants, etc.
Workers engaged in selling their masters’ wares directly to the public have effective, even though unnamed, methods of sabotage: The waiter gives extra large portions of food to his customers and undercharges them for it. The drug clerk gives generously of pure drugs, instead of adulterated ones, as he is supposed to. The grocer clerk forgets to charge for all the articles he has sold, etc.
The various kinds of sabotage are applied singly or collectively just as circumstances dictate. Some can be used in one industry that cannot be used in another. There are but few industries, however, that cannot be saboted in one way or another.
Fundamental Principle of Sabotage.— Sabotage has been grossly misrepresented by those interested in fighting it. It has been alleged that saboteurs put strychnine and other poisonous stuffs in food; wreck passenger trains, and otherwise injure the public. These allegations are without foundation, as it is the first principle of working class sabotage that it be directed against the masters’ pocketbooks. Practices tending to injure the public, or secure its ill will, are tabooed. The Syndicalists leave it to their masters to jeopardize the public’s safety through their adulteration of food, saboting of safety appliances, etc.
Weapon of Minority.— Sabotage is peculiarly a weapon of the rebel minority. Its successful application, unlike the strike, does not require co-operation of all the workers interested. A few rebels can, undetected, sabote and demoralize an industry and force the weak or timid majority ro share in its benefits. The Syndicalists are not concerned that the methods of sabotage may be “underhanded” or “unmanly.” They are very successful and that is all they ask of them. They scoff at the sentimental objection that sabotage destroys the workers pride in his work. They prefer to be able to more successfully fight their oppressors, rather than to cater to any false sense of pride.
Neo-Malthusianism.— The Syndicalist is a “race suicider.” He knows that children are the detriment to him in his daily struggles, and that by rearing them he is at once tying a millstone about his neck and furnishing a new supply of slaves to capitalism. He, therefore, refuses to commit this double error and carries on an extensive campaign to limit births among workers. He has been a powerful factor in reducing births in France, which, according to recent statistics, are annually 35,000 less than the deaths. He is turned from his course neither by the inspired warnings of physicians nor the paid appeals of patriots. He has no race pride and but little fear. He sees in “race suicide” an effective method of fighting his masters, therefore he uses it.
Another interesting and effective Syndicalist method of solving the child problem is to send strikers’ children to surrounding districts, where they are taken care of by other workers until the strike is over. These tactics have been used with telling effect time and time again.
The Syndicalist is as “unscrupulous” in his choice of weapons to fight his everyday battles as for his final struggle with capitalism. He allows no consideration of “legality”, religion, patriotism, “honor”, “duty”, etc., to stand in the way of his adoption of interests of the working class. He is in utter revolt against capitalism in all its phases. His lawless course often lands him in jail, but he is so fired by revolutionary enthusiasm that jails, or even death, have no terrors for him. He glories in martyrdom, consoling himself with the knowledge that he is a terror to his enemies, and this his movement, today sending chills along the spin of international capitalism, tomorrow will put an end to this monstrosity.
[8] “La Vie Ouvriere,” April 20, 1912, p. 110.
[9] Pierre Ramus, “Generalstrelk und Direkte Aktion,” p. 26.
[10] The term “sabotage” is derived from the old and widespread habit of oppressed and poorly paid workers, acting on the principle of “Poor work for poor wages,” to deliberately lessen the quantity and quality of their products. This custom, which is the basic one of all sabotage, known in Scotland as “go canny,” was described in France by the argot “travailler a coups de sabots.” (Pouget, Le Sabotage, p. 3.). This may be freely translated: “To work as one wearing wooden shoes;” that is, to work a little slower and more clumsy than one more favorably shod. It was from this argot expression that Emile Pouget, a prominent Syndicalist, derived and coined the word “sabotage” (literally “wooden shoeage”), now in universal use amongst Syndicalists.
Last updated on 20 March 2023