Eleanor Marx Aveling

Record of the International Movement


Source: Commonweal, Vol 1 No. 11, December 1885, pages 107-8
Transcribed: by Graham Seaman, February 2022


Within the last few days two murders — murders the more foul and hideous in that they were committed in cold blood and after the sanguinary farce of "legal" trials and "legal" sentences — have been perpetrated by the Governments of England and of Germany. Louis Riel and Julius Lieske have been murdered — the one by the "free English," the other by the despotic German Government — to satisfy the insensate cry for revenge of a cowardly and frightened ruling class. One hardly knows which feeling is uppermost — shame and horror that such things can be, or absolute bewilderment at the idiotcy of the Governments that thus help to dig their own graves. Germany will not easily forget Julius Lieske. And it requires no prophetic vision to foresee "Canadian difficulties" ahead.

To the details of Riel's case I need only refer here. All my readers remember the rising of the "half-breeds" — driven to this revolt, be it borne in mind, by the terrible wrongs under which they suffer. These wrongs no one has denied. Indeed, a pretence at redressing some of the more crying ones has been made. And yet the man who helped to tell the world what these wrongs were, whose only crime was that he took the only means in his power to help his people — this man has been done to death. At his trial he never faltered. It was not he who set up a plea of "insanity" — he declared that if to love his people, if to wish to redress their wrongs were insanity, then he was insane, but not otherwise. His death was brave and calm. His memory will live in the hearts of his people — and French Canadians will be ready to hold out a hand to the United States whenever the States may feel disposed to include Canada in the Union.

But monstrous as is the murder of Riel, that of Julius Lieske outdoes it in infamy — for here we have a man murdered for a "crime" he has not committed, and simply as a "warning example." In the August number of the Commonweal I gave an account of his trial, and I refer my readers to that. In addition to the facts given there I have only these to add. Firstly, it has now been indubitably proved that the chief "witness" against Lieske, one Mrs. Camphausen, was not only an altogether unreliable witness, but that she was in the pay of the police. [I] have not space here to give details, but German-reading friends will find them in the Sozial Democrat of November 19th. At his trial Lieske declared he waa innocent. In a letter — which I regret I cannot reproduce here in full — to his brother he says: "I swear to you, dear brother, I have not done it (i.e., assassinated Rumpff). I did not even take part in it; they have condemned an innocent man. ... You, dearest brother, must know I have not done this deed. There is no blood upon my hands." His last words on the scauold were "I am innocent." And let it not be forgotten that here was no case of mistaken identity, of a juridical error. Lieske is the victim of a foul police plot. His innocent blood be upon the heads of his dastardly murderers. For ourselves, let us remember Louis Riel and Julius Lieske.


DENMARK, NORWAY AND SWEDEN. — Nowhere, probably, is our movement making greater strides than in Scandinava. With the "increased wealth of the country" (i.e. of the exploiting class) and the "development of trade and commerce" (i.e. of the Capitalistic system with all its train of horrors), the people are growing poorer and more wretched, and are beginning to under stand — the sturdy Norwegian peasant as well as the town workers — that "things are not what they seem," and that the Capitalistic is not the best world possible. The fact that has peculiar interest and significance with regard to Scandinavia is that the peasants are beginning to work with us. For example, the great Copenhagen strike that has gone on now for over three months, has been kept up to a great extent by the country folk. They have not only contributed money to help their brethren of the town, but have received into their own homes the families of the strikers. The importance of such facts cannot be over-rated. And Scandinavia affords another proof of that which we Socialists always maintain — that thoughtful and honest men of all classes must come to us. Not only Scandinavia, but we Socialists of all lands have reason to be proud that such a man as Björnson sympathises with us. Above all, we may be proud that the greatest dramatist of modern times, one of the great dramatists of all time, Henrick Ibsen, has declared himself a Socialist. For years Ibsen has dealt in his great plays with matters of deepest social import as no other living dramatist has dared to do. So boldly and bravely did he speak, that his country became too hot for him, and for many years he has lived abroad. A few months ago he returned to his native land. Time had brought his revenge, and Ibsen was fêted everywhere — but at Drontheim, Ibsen was received by the working-man's club, and there he declared himself a Socialist. "Mere democracy," he said, "cannot solve the question (i.e., the social question) ... An element of aristocracy must be introduced into our life ... of course, I do not mean the aristocracy of birth or of the purse, or even the aristocracy of intellect. I mean the aristocracy of character, of will, of mind. That only can free us. From two groups will this aristocracy I hope for come to our people — from our women and our workmen. The revolution, now preparing in Europe, in the social condition, is chiefly concerned with the future of the workers and the women. In this I place all my hopes and expectations; for this I will work all my life and with all my strength."


FRANCE. — On the motion of our friend Vaillant, the Paris Municipal Council has passed a resolution (though the good bourgeois Radicals would not vote the resolution "urgent"!) demanding an amnesty for all political offenders, whether condemned for debits de droits commun (i.e., as ordinary criminals) or not. The same resolution will be brought forward by Clovis Hugues next Monday in the Chamber. His proposition has already received 110 signatures, but naturally the Government will move heaven and earth to keep Louise Michel, Bernard, Kropotkine, and their companions in their clutches. Of course, Clemenceau and his followers are pledged to support Clovis Hugues.

Some friends have asked whether there is any truth in the statement that the "reactionary vote" at the late election was intended as a censure on the anti-Catholic policy of the Government. Any one who knows anything of France or French political. and social life would hardly ask such a question. France was simply disgusted with the "foreign policy" of the "Tonkinois" Ferry; the vote was meant as an unqualified protest against the "little wars" in which Bourse speculators have embarked, and had nothing whatever to do with the "religious question."

The present crisis in Lyons is as terrible as the one of 1831-32, and the unhappy weavers after a long struggle have, "vanquished by famine," been forced to accept the 20 per cent reduction of their wages imposed by their exploiters. But even after this concession the employers have, for the most part, not re-opened their factories. This, of course, means absolute starvation for thousands. And now the manufacturers of Rheims are following the good example of their dear colleagues of Lyons, and are reducing the starvation wages paid from 10 to 20 per cent.

Eleanor Marx-Aveling.