IN 1919 Gompers attended the first congress of the International Federation of Trade Unions at Amsterdam. He aided the bureaucrats of the unions in the Allied countries to apply the policy of the Allied diplomats there. But when these bureaucrats were forced thru pressure of the European workers to place on their program the abolition of capitalism, and the socialization of industry, Gompers could not stand it and withdrew from Amsterdam. The leaders of Amsterdam being anxious to secure the affiliation of the American Federation of Labor, tried to explain to Gompers that he was taking the socialization of industry plank in the program too seriously, and this was no bar to the affiliation of the A. F. of L. to Amsterdam. But Gompers could not even stand for a program of socialization which was never intended to be the guiding line of the activity of Amsterdam.
In spite of the fact that the A. F. of L. is not affiliated with Amsterdam, some of the international unions are affiliated with the industrial secretariats affiliated with Amsterdam, such as the United Mine Workers of America which is affiliated with the Miners’ International. These affiliations, of course, mean nothing so far as achieving international unity is concerned. The relationship with the industrial secretariats merely consist of rewarding some deserving official with a trip to Europe to attend a meeting of the secretariat.
This isolation of the A. F. of L. from the international trade union movement reflects the foreign policy of the department of state of the United States imperialist government. The policy of the A. F. of L. follows in the most careful manner the policy of the imperialist diplomats, as can be seen by the following facts:
Before the entry of the United States into the war in 1917, Woodrow Wilson urged all Americans to be “neutral even in thought.” At that time it did not suit the financiers and industrialists to enter the war, and their president preached neutrality. The A. F. of L. policy was also “neutral even in thought.”
In 1917 the financiers finally decided that this country would enter the war on the side of the Allies. Wilson, the “peace president” of 1916, became the advocate of war against “Hun militarism.” The policy of the A. F. of L. was just as easily changed to advocacy of a war of extermination against the Central Powers. Thruout the A. F. of L. unions propaganda in favor of the war was carried on vigorously. Trade unionists who opposed the imperialist war were denounced, and the trade unions became part of the recruiting machinery of the U. S. army. Gompers sponsored the formation of the Alliance of Labor and Democracy, a united front of leading labor fakers and yellow socialists such as Walling, Spargo and Russell, to line the labor movement up behind the war aims of the Allies and the United States. Gompers also went on a mission to the Allied countries to propagandize the workers of those countries, who were tiring of the butchery, in favor of continuing the war and assuring them that the workers of the United States were supporting the Allies.
At the end of the war the United States imperialists actively participated in European affairs during the peace conference of Versailles. While Wilson represented American imperialism at the Versailles peace table, Gompers co-operated in the formulation of the idea of the Labor Office of the League of Nations along with the labor fakers of the Allied countries. Active participation in European affairs by the imperialist diplomats of the United States had its counterpart in the participation of the A. F. of L. in the European labor movement.
The landslide victory of the republican party in 1920 on a platform of withdrawal of the United States from European affairs, the defeat of the league of nations, and the establishment of the policy of United States isolation, found a ready response from the A. F. of L. Gompers spurned the Amsterdam International. It is interesting to note that one of the reasons for the A. F. of L. withdrawal from the Amsterdam International was the clause in the constitution binding all affiliated sections to carry out the decisions of the executive bureau. On the same grounds of preserving freedom of action the republican party advocated that the United States should not join the league of nations.
So exactly does the policy of the A. F. of L. parallel that of the United States government that there can be no question as to the A. F. of L. officialdom being the labor wing of the American imperialist government. The following formula shows this to be true: Under Wilson: 1916—“Neutral even in thought”; 1917—“War to end war”; 1919—United with European labor fakers in Labor Office of League of Nations and Amsterdam International. Under Harding: Withdrawal from Amsterdam International. Under Coolidge: Support of Dawes plan and entry of the United States into the World Court of the League of Nations.
Now that the financiers of Wall Street see the necessity of plunging headlong into European affairs and openly taking over control of several European nations to protect their investments, and at the same time break the grip of Britain in European affairs, they have started a movement for the entry of the United States into the World Court of the League of Nations—the first step toward formal entry into the league itself. Coolidge is the chief propagandist for this step, and is supported by the other republican leaders. Naturally the A. F. of L. also supports this step and comes out for the entry of the United States into the World Court.
No matter what the imperialist Washington government advocates it will be supported by the A. F. of L. officialdom.
But the isolation policy of the republican party of 1920 underwent a change until in 1924 the United States again intervened officially in European affairs by the bringing of Germany under the Dawes plan. Again the A. F. of L. policy undergoes a change and Gompers sets his sails for re-entering the European labor movement thru negotiations with representatives of the German and British trade unions at the El Paso convention of the A. F. of L. in October, 1924.
The Dawes plan is supported by the capitalists of Germany, France and Great Britain (Ramsay MacDonald was premier of Britain at the time). The Dawes plan bringing loans from America saved German capitalism from utter collapse. The reactionary labor leaders of these countries support the scheme also. The burden is borne by the German workers in the shape of reduced wages, longer hours and more intense exploitation. The workers of the rest of Europe are menaced by a reduction of their standard of living because the bosses. demand wage cuts, the abolition of the eight-hour day and more production in order to compete with the cheap commodities produced in Germany under the Dawes plan. Great revolts of labor will be brought about because of the Dawes plan in Europe.
American financiers support the Dawes plan as a means of safeguarding their investments in Europe. The United States government re-enters European affairs to aid the financiers. The A. F. of L. follows suit to prevent the European workers revolting against the Dawes plan, and the burdens placed upon them to produce interest on the American loans.
The A. F. of L. plans to establish connections with the Amsterdam International to strengthen the right wing officialdom in their fight against the movement for trade union unity directed by the Anglo-Russian Unity Committee and rapidly gaining the support of the rank and file of the trade union movement of Europe.
For this purpose Gompers carried on negotiations with the British and German delegates to the A. F. of L. El Paso convention regarding the entry of the A. F. of L. into the Amsterdam International.
At the Atlantic City convention of the A. F. of L., October, 1925, the policy of the A. F. of L. as the bulwark against trade union unity became clear. A. A. Purcell, fraternal delegate to the convention from the British Trades Union Congress, and president of the Amsterdam International, made a brilliant speech in favor of recognition of Soviet Russia and international trade union unity at the Atlantic City convention. During his speech Purcell said:
I come to make a call for the unity of the world’s workers—for the world brotherhood of all those who toil.
In Britain we have twelve per cent of our workers permanently unemployed. And our experts tell us that unemployment must grow increasingly worse.
I am proud of the genius for organization and the essential grip of things which my class in Russia has displayed.
I say that you, workers of America, have much to learn from Russia. I do hope that, from now on, the organized workers of America will establish the closest fraternal relations with the organized workers of Russia.
Just as the general council of the Trades Union Congress, representative of the whole trade union movement of Britain, has sent delegations to Russia, so I hope and trust the American Federation of Labor will do the same.
Green, in replying to Purcell’s speech denounced the movement for world trade union unity as Bolshevism, as a plot of “Moscow,” and so on. He said that the A. F. of L. rejects all attempts to
. . . . substitute for our philosophy the philosophy of Communism. We are not ready to accept that, and we wish that our friend, who has so kindly advised us and has offered us such frank suggestions might take back to the Russian Red International this message, that the American labor movement will not affiliate with an organization that preaches that doctrine or stands for that philosophy.
The report adopted against world trade union unity says:
We convey to the world the most solemn warning of which we are capable that we will not willingly tolerate in the western hemisphere any old world movement which seeks to impose itself upon American peoples over the will of those peoples. What the United States government, thru President Monroe, expressed to Europe as a warning against armed territorial aggression we convey in equally emphatic terms regarding aggression by propaganda. The Americas stand for democracy. The Pan-American Federation of Labor is the recognized international labor movement of the Americas. Through it the American republics give expression to the aspirations and ideals of their wage-earning masses and the American peoples, are determined that it shall so continue. Neither the Red International of autocratic Moscow nor any other international may in complacency ignore this definition of American labor policy.
Thus the A. F. of L. officialdom disposed of the question of world trade union unity. Very cleverly the question was linked up with Communism, Bolshevism, and every other bogey used to scare the American trade unionists, who have been thoroly poisoned against all revolutionary workers’ movements by the capitalist press, and the capitalist trade union officialdom. But in spite of all the anti-Red propaganda of Green & Co. the fact that they fight against world trade union unity is plain.
But the A. F. of L. officialdom only opposes unity with that section of the world trade union movement that desires unity to fight capitalist exploitation and imperialist wars. Toward the reactionary Amsterdam International leaders Green is quite friendly. In his speech against trade union unity Green made a small reservation which is worthy of note:
. . . . we are willing to join with and co-operate with labor movements thruout the world, that rest upon sound, fundamental principles of democracy and justice and righteousness and human liberty. . . .
Toward the reactionary trade union delegation from the German Trade Union Federation Green displayed the utmost friendliness, because Fritz Tarnow, their spokesman, denounced Bolshevism and stated:
The greatest problem which has to be solved in Europe is the restoration of a sound economy. . . .
Naturally Green welcomes such a fine supporter of the Dawes plan and the enslavement of the German workers to in crease the wealth of the House of Morgan. In reply to the speech of Tarnow, Green replied:
I want to call upon all our national unions, our state and central bodies, our local unions everywhere to meet these brothers as they travel from place to place and extend to them every facility for making the most comprehensive and all embracing study of the problems in which they are interested.
Purcell, who toured the country speaking before mass meetings of thousands of enthusiastic trade unionists for world trade union unity, received only opposition from the A. F. of L. officialdom, and the Washington Post demanded his deportation as an “undesirable” on its front page.
The convention also passed a resolution instructing the executive council to continue negotiations with the Amsterdam International regarding affiliation. The A. F. of L. officialdom will again participate in the European labor movement in response to the need of the American financiers for the protection of their European investments. To fight against world trade union unity, to aid the reactionary officialdom of the European trade unions to prevent revolts of the workers which would endanger Wall Street’s investments—these are the reasons for the tendency on the part of the A. F. of L. officialdom to affiliate with the Amsterdam International.
Regarding the recognition of Soviet Russia the officialdom showed its hatred toward the workers’ republic in the resolution which said:
The American Federation of Labor urges the government of the United States to maintain the position it has taken in favor of the non-recognition of the Soviet regime.
This attitude lines the officialdom up with the Coolidge government in opposition to Soviet Russia. It is a more reactionary stand than that taken by the capitalist politician Borah, who favors recognition of Russia.
These imperialist agents in the labor movement fit the policy of the A. F. of L. to the policy of the capitalist government of Washington. They even parrot the phrases of American diplomacy when they use the phrase, “Monroe Doctrine of Labor.” In this phrase they declare that the present reactionary officialdom will dominate the trade union movement of this continent in the interests of the United States capitalists. They also intend to use the trade union movement of this country as a bulwark against the movement for world trade union unity.
The interests of the capitalists of the United States demands that the trade union movement shall base its policy on class cooperation: Craft unionism as a mean of dividing the forces of the workers; the trade unions to become a unit in the capitalist productive machinery, the “B. & O. Plan,” compulsory arbitration and no strikes; bitter warfare against all elements who dare to oppose this policy and bitter opposition to world trade anion unity.
The interests of the workers demand: Amalgamation of the craft unions into industrial unions each covering an industry; organization of the unorganized; class struggle against the capitalists; a labor party uniting the workers for political action against the capitalists and the objective of the entire movement to be the establishment of a workers’ and farmers’ government.
The movement for world trade union unity in the trade union movement of this country means a fight against the entire policy of the officialdom. It means wresting the unions from the labor agents of imperialism who dominate at present, linking up with the trade union movement of the world to unite the forces of the workers for warfare against capitalist exploitation of the working class. International trade union unity is a step toward a united front of the workers in the battle for their emancipation from capitalist wage slavery. In this movement all those workers who are class conscious, courageous and militant will work for its success.
The American trade unionists who are opposed to the unions being turned into agencies of the bosses to aid in the exploitation of the workers must fight against the present policy of the A. F. of L. bureaucracy. The mass meetings addressed by A. A. Purcell showed that thousands of trade unionists see the necessity of making the unions organs of struggle against the bosses.
All militant trade unionists must unite to fight class cooperation, to send an American trade union delegation to Soviet Russia to establish connections between the trade unionists of both countries, to work for unity in the American trade union movement and for world trade union unity.