With all our earnest respectfulness and profound gratitude, we are commemorating today great Lenin’s 90th birthday anniversary.
Like Marx and Engels, Lenin is our respected and beloved leader and teacher, a star leading us to our great cause: the liberation of oppressed mankind.
Lenin is no more, but his name and work live for ever. His name has become a symbol of the Communist ideal, a symbol of the interests and aspirations of the working class, the toiling masses and the oppressed peoples all over the world. Hundreds of millions of oppressed labourers regardless of colour and nationality all over the five continents are marching with confidence under the glorious Marxist-Leninist banner resolute to wipe out the exploitation of man by man, the enslavement and oppression of nations, and to build an equitable, just and happy society.
Lenin’s name has been very dear to our Vietnamese people since long. Leninism has blazed the road of our liberation, and helped our national revolution triumph gloriously and is helping us score greater successes in the future. For these past thirty years, it has been a great honour and pride for the communist fighters of our country to be named Marxist-Leninists combating under the banner of great Marxism-Leninism.
To commemorate Lenin’s birthday anniversary efficiently, to remember and show our gratitude to Lenin, there is no better way than to endeavour to study and assimilate his great ideas for their correct and creative application to the realities of our national revolution, and strive hard to take our national revolution to the road he has outlined.
The theoretical treasury contributed by Lenin to World revolution is immensely rich and comprehensive. In this commemoration, allow us to recall briefly some points of Lenin’s great contribution to world revolution, especially to Vietnam’s revolution.
Leninism is the continuance and development of Marxism, it is Marxism in the era of capitalism and proletarian revolution, an era of building socialism and communism in the Soviet Union, an era of birth of the socialist system and its development into a world system, an era of transition of human society from capitalism to communism.
Being the most loyal and brilliant disciple of Marx and Engels, Lenin not only defended the revolutionary spirit of Marxism against all opportunist distortions, but also knew how to base himself on new historical conditions for the further development of Marxism.
As is known, Marx and Engels lived in the era of capitalist development, in which the contradictions of the capitalist society arose and the struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie became the main struggle in society. Marx and Engels’ great contribution is their profound and all-round study of the laws of capitalism, whereby clearly to show that capitalism is doomed and socialism will win final victory. Marx and Engels showed that the historical mission of the proletariat is that they are the grave-diggers of capitalism, and the builders of a new society, the communist society. To achieve this historical mission, the proletariat must have its own vanguard political party, go through a proletarian revolution and set up a dictatorship of the proletariat.
But in the period when Marx and Engels lived and worked, the objective conditions were not yet matured for the proletarian revolution to break out directly. Therefore throughout their lifetime, they devoted all their efforts to make a propaganda among the working class and awaken their consciousness, expose and thwart all reactionary theories within the workers’ movement, organize various Internationals of the working class, and prepare for the revolution of the working class to overthrow capitalism. After Marx and Engels had died, the opportunist leaders who ruled the roost in the Second International distorted the militant and revolutionary essence of Marxism, propagated reformism and the theory of class conciliation, thus deflecting the workers’ movement in the road of compromise with the bourgeoisie.
At the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, capitalism developed into imperialism, and monopoly replaced free competition. To make maximum profits, the monopolists not only increased exploitation of the workers and toiling masses in their own countries, but also stepped up colonial conquests and exported capital, thus transforming the weak and backward countries into suppliers of cheap raw materials and outlets for their surplus goods. The monopolist companies of the imperialist countries completed the division of the world and did not cease to expand their sphere of influence at the expense of their likes, therefore periodical imperialistic wars broke out, driving mankind to abominable slaughters.
Imperialism has set the peoples of the world before two roads: either to endure the domination and exploitation by imperialism, and hence to be annihilated, or to rise up and overthrow imperialism, and take human society to socialism and communism.
History urgently needed that Marxism be developed further ably to lead the revolutionary struggle of the working class, the toiling people and various oppressed nations over the world to free themselves from oppression and exploitation by capitalism and imperialism, and to take the road of socialism.
Lenin lived and worked in that period. His great contribution is that he could realize and satisfy the urgent need of history. On the basis of Marx’s and Engels’ genial theories, and the laws of development of capitalism in its latest stage, which Lenin put to the test of practice, he refuted all opportunist theories, protected the purity of Marxism, and enriched it with new theories.
1. Lenin’s first important contribution is his theory on imperialism and proletarian revolution in the imperialistic era.
Lenin studied profoundly and all-sidedly the characteristics and laws of imperialism, asserting that imperialism is “the highest stage of development of capitalism and at the same time its latest stage”. In this stage, the contradictions of the capitalist society were sharpened to the highest degree. The outcome of the development of these sharp contradictions is that the movement of struggle of the working class and the toiling people in various imperialist countries as well as the movement of liberation in various colonies and dependent countries rose buoyantly as never seen before and formed a powerful revolutionary wave which shook imperialism to the root. On the other hand, the contradictions between the imperialists themselves reached such a high degree that an imperialistic war broke out, sharpening further other contradictions and driving imperialism into a serious general crisis. In these conditions Lenin asserted that “imperialism is moribund capitalism, the eve of proletarian revolution”.
Proceeding from the study of the characteristics and nature of imperialism, Lenin set forth a new theory on socialist revolution. Previously Marx and Engels said that to come out victorious, the proletarian revolution should break out simultaneously in all advanced capitalist countries or at least in most of those countries and that if it broke out in one country only, it would be doomed to failure. Marx’s and Engels’ conclusion fitted in the situation in which capitalism has not yet become imperialism, but now that conclusion did not hold good. Lenin showed that imperialism has become a world system, a force to oppress colonies and financially to enslave the whole world, of a handful of advanced countries at the expense of the majority of people over the world. Today the contradictions and decline of imperialism are shown not only in an individual country but throughout the world, therefore according to Lenin, “socialist revolution will be not only and chiefly a struggle of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie in each country, but it will be also a struggle waged by all colonies and countries oppressed by imperialism, and by all dependent countries against international imperialism”. The conditions for the proletarian revolution to break out in the imperialistic era have matured throughout the world. Lenin discovered the law of uneven development in the economic and political fields of the imperialist countries. This is an absolute law, therefore the contradictions between the imperialist countries never come to an end, and their struggle to seize one another’s interests are becoming fiercer. The proletariat can take advantage of these contradictions to defeat imperialism at one place or another. It is also due to the uneven economic and political development of imperialism that the conditions for the revolution to win successes in various imperialist countries are not the same.
Therefore proletarian revolution will not necessarily break out simultaneously in all advanced capitalist countries and where the proletariat accounts for the majority of the population, but it will break out in a place where the contradictions of imperialism are concentrated, at the weakest link in the imperialistic chain, it can break out and win success first in a particular country.
Lenin’s new revolutionary theory as mentioned above has an immensely great significance. It has shown a completely new vista to the proletariat and people of each country in the world who instead of passively waiting for the breaking out of world revolution, actively develop their initiative and create conditions for a direct attack on imperialism in their own country.
At the same time Lenin also worked out a policy to ensure victory for the proletarian revolution. The gist of this policy is the guarantee of the absolute and indivisible leadership of the proletariat in the revolution. The key point to carry out the leadership of the proletariat is that this class must have a numerically great ally who accepts this leadership, this ally is the peasantry. In contradiction to the opportunists who denied the great revolutionary possibilities of the peasantry, Lenin said that without a firm worker- peasant alliance, there would be no victory for the proletarian revolution. To win over the peasants and make them follow the proletarian revolution, the proletariat must support the movement of struggle of the peasants against feudalism and capitalist oppression and exploitation in the countryside.
Besides consolidating the alliance with the peasantry, the proletariat has to consolidate the alliance between various nationalities. The opportunists of the Second International restricted the national question only within the framework of the civilized European countries, whereas Lenin broadened the national question into a problem of national liberation from imperialist oppression in colonies and dependent countries. The national question has become part and parcel of world proletarian revolution. Lenin was the first to bring to the fore the right of nations to self- determination, advocating complete “equality of nations”, full right of nations to self-determination, and right to union as well as to secession. The proletariat has the duty to support the anti-imperialist struggles for national liberation. Only by supporting and allying with the national-liberation movement can the proletarian revolution win successes, on the contrary, it will not come out successful if it is not supported by the world proletariat.
Lenin’s new revolutionary theory and policy proved entirely correct by the victorious Russian October Revolution which opened up a new era for mankind : the era of disintegration of capitalism and victory of socialism. The triumph of the Russian October Revolution has awakened the working class, the toiling people and oppressed nations over the world, urging them to rise up and make revolution. It also further sharpened the general crisis of imperialism and weakened the imperialistic system.
During and after World War II, under the leadership of the communist parties and in the light of Lenin’s revolutionary theory, a series of people’s democratic countries in Europe and Asia, including Vietnam, have broken the imperialistic chain at its weakest links. The founding of the socialist system has eloquently proved the scientific and accurate character of Lenin’s revolutionary theory.
Today the world situation has undergone basic changes compared with the period when Lenin lived. Socialism has become a world system and has shown itself more powerful than capitalism. For the world’s people the supremacy of the socialist regime has been ever more clearly felt and has an ever greater attraction. The great ideology of communism has taken deep roots into the hearts and brains of hundreds of millions of labourers over the world. Meanwhile imperialism has weakened with every passing day. The colonial system has disintegrated bloc after bloc and the national-liberation movement has won continuous successes. The imperialistic general crisis has become more serious than ever.
In consideration of the basic changes in the balance of forces in the world at present, the Declaration of the Meeting of the representatives of 12 communist and workers’ parties of the socialist countries held in Moscow in 1957 has continued to develop creatively Lenin’s revolutionary theory. The theses on the fundamental contents of our era, on the possibilities of safeguarding world peace, on the lines of consolidating and strengthening the forces of the world socialist system, reinforcing the solidarity of the international communist movement against bellicose U.S.-led imperialism, to conquer peace, democracy, national independence and socialism, etc., have enriched Lenin’s theoretical treasury.
2. Another important contribution by Lenin was his. theory on the dictatorship of the proletariat and on socialist construction.
Lenin pointed out that the victory of the proletarian revolution must necessarily lead to the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the transition from capitalism to socialism. Marx said, “Between the capitalist and communist society lies the period of the revolutionary transformation of the one into the other. There corresponds to this also a political transition period of which the State can be nothing but the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat”.
Lenin shattered to smithereens all opportunist ideas distorting Marx’s viewpoint on the problem of State and pointed out that the dictatorship of the proletariat is the most essential point in Marx’s theories, the essence of Marxism. To accept or refute the dictatorship of the proletariat is a cornerstone to distinguish between genuine revolutionaries and opportunists. The dictatorship of the proletariat is not only necessary to suppress the resistance of the overthrown exploiting class and the offensive of the imperialists from without, but is still more important to mobilize and organize the toiling masses to take part in the building of economy and development of culture. It is the main tool in the hand of the proletariat and toiling people to transform the old society and build a new society.
Lenin emphasized that the dictatorship of the proletariat means the leadership of a class, of the proletariat over the State power in which not only one single class but the vast majority of people take part against the oppressing and exploiting minority, It is a particular form of class alliance between the proletariat and other strata of toiling people. The worker-peasant alliance is the basis, the highest principle of the dictatorship of the proletariat. At the same time the dictatorship of the proletariat is the highest and broadest democratic form in a class society, a democracy of the vast majority of the toiling people, Only under the dictatorship of the proletariat can the working class and the toiling people really take part in great numbers in the management of the State, and bring into full play their positive and creative spirit.
Lenin also pointed out that in the period of transition, there can be varied forms of State power but in essence they are all dictatorship of the proletariat, Today, besides the soviet form practised in the Soviet Union, the people’s democratic power in the European and Asian socialist countries is successfully fulfilling the tasks and functions of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
As has been proved by experiences and clearly shown by historical realities, the consolidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat during the period of transition is a task of paramount importance. Now as in the past, the revisionists especially spearhead their opposition at the theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat while they attack Marxism-Leninism. Their scheme was to deprive us of our sharp weapon in order easily to defeat us. In commemorating Lenin’s birthday, we must determinedly and unswervingly maintain his theory on the dictatorship of the proletariat, do our utmost to consolidate the State power during the period of transition, and resolutely oppose all revisionist arguments.
Lenin taught us that with the victory of the proletarian revolution and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, revolution has not come to an end but has only begun. We still have to take in hand a new heavy and much more complicate task which is to rebuild the whole of social life in line with completely new principles.
The period of transition from capitalism to socialism is a historical period in which takes place the sharp struggle “Who will win” between defeated capitalism which is not yet destroyed and newly-born socialism which is not yet consolidated. To come out victorious in this struggle, in the political field, the leading role of the proletariat must be maintained through its party, and the dictatorship of the proletariat, the worker-peasant alliance, the solidarity between nationalities, and international solidarity must be consolidated. On the other hand, a new economy, a socialist economy, must be built on the foundation of a modern technique to serve as a material basis of the new society.
To fulfil this task, we must transform the capitalist ownership and the small producers’ ownership into national and collective ownership, harmoniously and rhythmically develop national economy according to plans, build and transform the whole national economy on the basis of a new technique, unceasingly raise labour productivity, most satisfactorily meet the ever growing material and cultural needs of society.
To reach this goal in a country whose industry is undeveloped, and agriculture predominantly individual and backward, there is no other way than to carry out national industrialization whose key-work is priority development of heavy industry with engineering as a central task. Lenin pointed out, “The material basis of socialism can be only a large-scale mechanized industry which can transform agriculture as a whole”,
Besides, to carry out industrialization we must have capital and cadres. Therefore we must carry out socialist accumulation, intensify production and practise thrift, oppose embezzlement and waste. We must rely on the working class, bring into full play their revolutionary ardour, their spirit of being masters, raise their cultural, technical, and managerial levels, choose and promote from among the workers’ rank the outstanding cadres to leading positions in State and economic organs.
Lenin also resolved a very difficult task of the proletarian revolution which is to shift the widely scattered private economy of small producers (peasants and handicraftsmen) to socialism, thereby uprooting the ultimate cause which gives birth to capitalism. We cannot expropriate the peasants from their means of production as we do with the capitalists. Lenin said that such a measure is a crime, an idiocy likely to bring socialist revolution and socialist construction to failure. Only with a close alliance with the peasants can socialism win success. But mean- while, we must find out the most adequate form, take into due account the characteristics of their private ownership, integrate individual and collective interests with those of the State, find out a form most acceptable to the peasants. According to Lenin this form is the co-operatives which include farming teams, consumers’ co-operatives, credit co-operatives. producers’ co-operatives, and collective farms. Lenin laid particular emphasis on voluntariness, absolutely forbade orders and compulsion with regard to the peasants; on the contrary we must persistently persuade and educate them, wait for their awareness. make them realize the advantages of collective work so that they may voluntarily and consciously embark in co-operativization.
Lenin also pointed out that the taking of the peasants to co-operativization is but the first step in the socialist transformation of agriculture. Another step which must be taken is to change a backward agriculture into an agriculture of large-scale production on the basis of mechanization and electrification. Ony in this way can socialism stand firmly on two feet: modern industry and modern agriculture.
Along with socialist industrialization and transformation of agriculture, Lenin also advocated cultural revolution. Socialist revolution being the work of the broad masses, we must unceasingly raise their consciousness, resolutely struggle against old ideas and habits if we want to bring into full play their revolutionary ardour and creativeness. On the other hand, in socialist construction, it is not sufficient to rely on revolutionary ardour, but scientific and technical knowledge is also necessary, therefore we must raise the cultural, scientific and technical level of the people, create an army of intellectuals of the working class. This is part and parcel of socialist revolution.
Lenin’s theory on socialist industrialization, socialist transformation of agriculture, and cultural revolution is important component part of the general line for socialist construction in the Soviet Union. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union has resolutely followed the road traced by Lenin, rejected all opportunist theories and tendencies of the Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kameniev Piatakov, Bukharin cliques, etc. Consequently, within a short historical period, it has succeeded in completing socialist construction.
Today Lenin’s theory, applied creatively by the socialist countries to their own economic transformation and development and cultural development, has been developed further in the practice of socialist construction in these countries. In summing up the experience of the world revolutionary movement during the past hundred years, especially since the October Revolution, the Moscow Meeting of the communist parties and workers’ parties in October 1957, has pointed out the universal law governing the socialist revolution and socialist construction for all countries. The statement of the Meeting has illustrated the creative development of Marxism-Leninism in our era. At present it is a general programme of the communist parties and workers’ parties over the world.
3. The successes of the proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat and of socialist construction would not have been possible but for the leadership of a new-type revolutionary party. Therefore, one of Lenin’s very important contributions is his perfect theory on the founding of a new-type party: of the working class.
The leaders of the Second International deflected their social democratic parties to reformism. These parties were only tools helping them fight over seats in bourgeois parliaments.
In the imperialist era when the task of direct revolutionary struggle was laid down, Lenin pointed out as an essential task, the establishment of a new- type political party. Such a party is the vanguard, the organized army, the highest organizational form of the proletariat. The Party must include the most advanced, most loyal, most resolute in making sacrifices, and most conscious elements among the working class and the toiling people. Right from the beginning when striving to set up the Party, Lenin laid emphasis on the necessity of raising further and unceasingly the qualification of a communist party member. He upheld that to become such a member, a man must not only recognize the programme and rules of the Party, but must also practically work in one of its glass-root organs and submit to the control of the Party. What Lenin pointed out is at present an important condition in the building of all communist parties throughout the world.
The Party outlined by Lenin is a monolithic bloc in ideology and action. Ideologically it must adhere to the Marxist-Leninist theory, regarding the revolutionary struggle for the proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat as its basic task and must consider the realization of socialism and communism as its ultimate goal. The identity in ideology must be guaranteed by the unity in organization. Sectarianism and peaceful coexistence with the opportunists are not allowed in the party and must be done with. The party must be organized tightly in line with the principle of democratic centralism and strict discipline, and fight against the empirical and paternalistic style of work. It must take centralized leadership as the highest principle of leadership.
Such a party must keep close relation with the masses, stick to them and deeply understand their aspirations and needs which it must succeed in reflecting in its programme and slogans of struggle. It must not leave the masses far behind, or lag behind them, but has to educate them and lead them forward. It must know how to educate its members and the masses by the experience drawn from the practical revolutionary struggle, and therefore it must have a revolutionary attitude towards its own achievements and shortcomingg and must be sincere in self-criticism and criticism. Lenin regarded the party’s attitude towards its mistakes as an important criterion to gauge its loyalty to the revolutionary cause and the masses.
The Russian Bolshevik Party directly built by Lenin, a new-type revolutionary political party, the first of its kind in the world, is the prototype of a militant revolutionary party of Leninist type. It stood the test of three big revolutions in Russia, two imperialist world wars and two wars for national salvation, has led the great October Revolution to triumph, successfully completed the building of socialism.
Lenin made a great contribution to the founding of the Third International, the genuinely revolutionary international of the world working class. Under the leadership of the Communist International, all the communist branches in other countries were established in line with the principle outlined by Lenin for party building. At present in the world 85 communist parties and workers’ parties including 33 million members are leading the revolutionary struggle put up by the peoples of various countries.
The leading role of the Party is important not only in the revolutionary struggle for power, but it is still more so during the dictatorship of the proletariat and communist construction. All manoeuvres to belittle and weaken the leading role of the Party are erroneous and harmful to the revolution.
In commemorating Lenin, we must always remember his teaching, unceasingly reinforce the Party leadership in all fields, firmly maintain the vanguard, revolutionary and militant characters of a Leninist party.
Lenin made infinitely great contributions to the revolution for the liberation of Eastern peoples, including Vietnam. He attached great importance to the role played by Eastern peoples in deciding on the fate of world imperialism and drew up many directives pointing out to oppressed Eastern peoples the road to follow in their revolutionary struggle.
In addressing the Congress of the representatives of various communist organizations in the East in 1919, Lenin said, “Here is a task which was not put forth for the international communists but is now put forth for you; it is that in basing yourselves on the theories and universal practice of communism, you must accommodate yourselves to the peculiar characteristics and conditions which do not exist in European countries, at the same time you must apply the communist theories and practice to a place where the masses consist mainly of peasants, and the struggle is no longer against capitalism but against the survivals of the Middle Ages”.
Lenin also taught that before reaching socialist revolution, the revolution in Eastern colonies must go through the national-liberation revolution, and bourgeois democratic revolution. It cannot bypass necessary stages. In the imperialistic era, it must be a far- reaching people’s revolution and not a revolution of an upper minority.
On the peasant question, Lenin said, “Utopians are those who hold that the proletarian party can implement its line of action, tactics and communist policies in backward countries without the establishment of a determined relation with the peasant movement and without an active assistance given to it”.
With regard to the bourgeoisie, Lenin pointed out that distinction should be made between the bourgeoisie in imperialist countries and that in colonies. In colonies, “the bourgeoisie still sides with the people against the reactionary forces”, therefore a front must be set up with the participation of the democratic wing of the bourgeoisie (that is to say the national bourgeois). In the building of the united front with the bourgeoisie, the proletariat must maintain its independent character and struggle against the bourgeois’ scheme for seizing the leadership.
Lenin also pointed out that besides the people’s unity within the countries, colonial revolution will be successful only by maintaining solidarity with the world proletariat, and obtaining the support and assistance of the proletariat in metropolitan countries. He said, “You must work out a line for the exploited toiling masses in each country to follow, and explain it in such a way that they may realize that the only thing they long for and which will help them liberate themselves, is the victory of world revolution, and that the world proletariat is the only ally of hundreds of millions of exploited toiling people of the Eastern nations”.
The foregoing valuable directives given by Lenin with regard to Eastern revolution, are at the same time directives having the character of a guiding programme with regard to the Vietnamese revolution.
President Ho Chi Minh has said, “With regard to the Vietnamese revolution and Vietnamese people, Leninism is not only a valuable 'vade-mecum’ and a compass, but it is also the sun which lightens the road for us to go to final victory, to socialism and communism”.
We all know that during the many decades of French domination, our people had many times risen heroically against invasion; when the older generation fell, it was immediately succeeded by the younger one; but if all the revolutions in former times failed, it was mainly because they were not enlightened by an accurate theory and not guided by a vanguard party. The gunshots of the October Revolution awakened the Eastern peoples, at the same time they introduced Leninism to us. Our venerable and beloved comrade Ho Chi Minh is the first Vietnamese to accept Leninism and propagate it in our country. Comrade Ho Chi Minh, Lenin’s most oustanding disciple in our country, has thoroughly grasped the revolutionary Marxist-Leninist theory, particularly the theory concerning the national revolution in colonies, and has applied it creatively to the conditions of our country.
In 1930 the advanced revolutionaries of the Vietnamese proletariat, headed by comrade Ho Chi Minh founded a party of a new type: the Indo-Chinese Communist Party. In the very first days of its inception, it clearly affirmed that it was the Party of the proletariat guided by Marxism-Leninism. It knew how to base itself on the universal Marxist-Leninist principles in coordination with Vietnam’s characteristics to work out a correct revolutionary programme. It realized that the Vietnamese society was that of a semi-feudal colony and its two basic contradictions were the contradiction between the Vietnamese people and aggressive imperialism, and the contradiction between the people, mainly peasants, and feudalism. Of these two contradictions, the principal one at which the Vietnamese revolution had to spearhead its forces for a solution, was the contradiction between the Vietnamese people consisting of an absolute majority of peasants, and the imperialists and those feudal landlords who were their henchmen. It was the first time a Party in Vietnam pointed out in accordance with Lenin’s directives and loyal to the Leninist line, that the national-liberation revolution must be closely linked with the revolution for the liberation of classes and must have a clear class content and character. The attitudes of various classes towards national revolution are not the same. To gain victory, the Vietnamese revolution must rely on the most revolutionary classes and must be guided by a vanguard class. In the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution, when socialism has been successful over one sixth of the world, the anti-imperialist revolution waged by the Vietnamese people has become part and parcel of the world proletarian revolution. In these historical conditions, it was possible for the Vietnamese proletariat, to lead the national revolution. The Vietnamese proletariat, though small in number, is however part of the great international proletariat, thus having all the objective historical conditions of a most advanced revolutionary class. The Vietnamese proletariat is the only class that has an accurate scientific theory on the national-liberation revolution in line with Marxism-Leninism. Therefore, only under the leadership of the Vietnamese proletariat can Vietnam’s revolution gain complete victory.
Thanks to its Marxist-Leninist class standpoint and viewpoint, our Party was able correctly to assess the role of the peasants in the national-liberation revolution. In a colonial country like ours, the peasants account for the vast majority of the population. They were the first victims of colonial exploitation by imperialism and were driven to continuous bankruptcy, and to the brink of death. Therefore they had a deep hatred for imperialism and were the main forces in the national-liberation revolution. Without the participation of the majority of peasants, the anti-imperialist revolution in colonies can achieve no success, whatever.
Lenin taught us that with regard to colonial peoples, the basic question is the peasant question and that the revolution in colonies is in substance the peasant revolution. As the peasants in colonies are not only victims of imperialist oppression, but also pitilessly exploited by feudalism and landlordism in collusion with imperialism, their dearest aspirations are national independence and land to the tillers that is the overthrow of both imperialism and feudalism-landlordism.
Therefore, to lead the peasants, not only has the proletariat to call for their patriotism against aggressive imperialism, but it also has to stir their class consciousness and make them realize clearly that imperialism and feudalism collude with each other to oppress and exploit them, and that only a strong alliance with the proletariat under the latter’s leadership can help them bring about national liberation and win back land for the tillers.
In making the peasants conscious of the needs of revolution, the proletariat has to instill revolutionary ideas not only into advanced peasants, but also into Tniddle-of-the-road and backward ones. It must fight back every line of compromise, reformism and “mutual good feelings” put forth by the bourgeois and petty bourgeois elements among the peasants. It must free the peasants from the influence of these dangerous lines. Only by crushing the compromise and reformist lines can the proletariat be sure of winning over the peasants as a whole, and its leadership be secured in the worker-peasant alliance.
For this very reason, the Party has fought against the viewpoint of the petty bourgeoisie and bourgeoisie (including the Vietnam Nationalist Party) which held that the main forces of Vietnam’s revolution lay in all classes, that the leadership of the Vietnamese revolution must be assumed by the most outstanding figures of all classes; that to make a class discrimination was to commit a crime, to divide the nation and to harm revolution. But the substance of the question was that they wanted to conceal or they were unable to realize that though born Vietnamese, feudalism and landlordism in collusion with imperialism were, together with foreign invaders, exploiting the peasants ruthlessly. The peasants felt hatred for both the imperialist invaders who exploited them, and the feudal landlords who daily sucked their blood. Suppose for the sake of the great national cause, the revolution called on the landlords, not to exploit the peasants and unite with them for national salvation, would feudalism and landlordism have responded to the appeal? Certainly not. This has been proved by the practice of the revolutionary movement in Vietnam.
In this way there remained only one alternative which was either to protect the landlords’ interests and abandon the peasants, or to struggle for the peasants’ interests and abandon landlordism. Petty- bourgeois revolutionaries and patriots belonging to upper strata were against the proletarian viewpoint and had for all practical purposes sided with the landlords and abandoned the peasants. Hence, notwithstanding the fine words they used to appeal to the peasants’ patriotism and the unity of the entire people, the absolute majority of the Vietnamese peasants did not respond to their appeal. This was the cause of the bitter bankruptcy suffered by the movement for national liberation waged by the Vietnam Nationalist Party.
On the contrary, our Party, following the Leninist scientific class viewpoint, realized that the revolutionary forces of the national-liberation movement must rely on determined classes. It fought back the viewpoint advocating the amalgamation of classes in Vietnamese society, and liberated the peasants from the influence of the bourgeois and petty-bourgeois revolutionaries. Thanks to this, in the years 1930-1931, 1936-1940, 1941-1945. it succeeded in agitating a revolutionary high tide in which the main forces were the peasants, thereby bringing the August Revolution to success and the Resistance War and land reform to victory.
But on the other hand, while concentrating its main forces against the ideas of cass amalgamation put forth by the bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie, our Party has always realized that the petty bourgeoisie is a revolutionary force, and the national bourgeoisie has its good side, which is patriotism and anti- imperialism, therefore the proletariat must establish a united front with them. Morover, the Party had also to make the best use of the temporary contradictions between landlordism and imperialism which existed in determined historic conditions, in order to enlarge the anti-imperialist national united front, like in the years 1936-1940 and 1941-1945.
Our Party guided the workers and peasants to establish a national united front with the bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie and, in determined conditions, with a small section of landlords. In this way, in remaining firm on the class standpoint, our Party correctly assessed and highlighted the national factors and patriotic spirit of other sections of the people in colonies against imperialism, according to Lenin’s teachings.
In enlarging the national united front in the years 1939-1945 and conducting the Resistance War, our Party was consistent in its class viewpoint, and there- by succeeded in working out correct policies and tactics with regard to the peasants. As a result, it could mobilize the peasants to take part in the anti- imperialist struggle and at the same time foster their forces, thereby it was able to lead the August Revolution to success and the long-term Resistance War to victory.
Besides uniting the various revolutionary forces in a colony, the revolution there must co-ordinate its action with the world revolution. Our Party has known how to avail itself of good opportunities to boost the Vietnamese revolution, and timely guided the entire people to rise up in Autumn 1945 when the world revolutionary movement was creating favourable conditions for the success of the national-liberation movement in Vietnam.
Lenin’s theory on organizational forms and methods of struggle is also of great practical significance with regard to Vietnam’s revolution.
Abiding by Marxism-Leninism, our Party has known according to the ebb or high tide of the movement, how to apply legal, semi-legal or illegal organizational forms, in order to maintain and develop it. For example, following the years of illegal activities to the years 1936-1939, our Party knew how to take advantage of legal organizational forms to struggle, even to utilize the “colonial Parliament” to develop the sphere of the Party’s influence among the masses, educate and guide them to struggle.
But the Party’s objective was to lead the masses to overthrow the imperialist-feudal power, set up the people’s democratic power, and to go forward to socialism. In a colony such as our country, where the imperialists resorted to violence for their domination, our people had no other road than to carry out an armed insurrection and utilize revolutionary force to cope with the counter-revolutionary force.
Ours is an agricultural country, the peasants are the main forces of the revolution, hence our Party put forth the question of armed insurrection to seize power on the basis of the peasant question, and the question of reliance on the peasants, shifting the central task lo the countryside in the years 1940-1941, organizing peasant armed forces, building resistance bases and launching local guerilla warfare between 1941 and 1945. In Autumn 1945, when favourable conditions were available our Party timely started the nation-wide insurrection, in the countryside as well as in towns, by relying on the political force of the worker-peasant alliance, and co-ordinating the action in the country- side and twons with that of the armed forces in the resistance zones. Thanks to this, the August Revolution could score a rapid success.
Our long-term Resistance War was in substance a revolutionary war waged by the peasants under a proletarian leadership. Our Party took the peasants as main forces, and the countryside as the source of supply of wealth and manpower for the front; it relied on the topographical conditions of the country-side to carry out guerilla and mobile warfare and used the countryside to encircle the towns. During the Resistance War, while fighting the enemy, we built our forces, fostered the forces of the people, mainly the peasants, and implemented the various policies on land, thereby intensifying the Resistance War and developing and strengthening the forces of the Resistance to win final victory.
The process of the people’s national democratic revolution in Vietnam has proved that Lenin’s ideas with regard to the revolution in colonies are most accurate. To have a Marxist-Leninist party of a new type, a worker-peasant alliance under proletarian leadership, thoroughly to understand and correctly to solve the peasant question, to set up a united national front within the country and achieve international solidarity, to apply adequate organizational forms and methods of struggle, these are the main factors which contribute to the success of the national-liberation revolution.
For the last six years, our people have entered a new historical stage. The completely liberated North is advancing to socialism. The South, still under foreign occupation, is continuing the national democratic revolution.
The present task common to the entire people is “to strengthen national unity, resolutely struggle to maintain peace, strongly push forward socialist revolution in the North, at the same time to carry out national-democratic revolution in the South, bring about national reunification on the basis of independence and democracy, build a peaceful, unified, independent, democratic and strong Vietnam, practically contribute to the strengthening of the forces of the socialist camp, and the safeguarding of peace in South-East Asia and in the world.”
This common task shows clearly that our people as a whole are carrying out two different revolutionary works; these two works are based on the objective law of development of the Vietnamese society in the present conjuncture.
Since the restoration of peace and complete liberation of the North, the people’s national democratic revolution there has been basically completed. The North has shifted to a new revolutionary stage, that of socialist revolution. Lenin said: “The bourgeois democratic revolution being completed, we do not stop halfway, but immediately advance to socialist revolution by relying on our own forces, on the forces of the proletariat which is organized and conscious of the need for revolution.
Owing to the fact that our Party has maintained the monopoly of guidance over the national-democratic revolution, the worker-peasant alliance has been consolidated, people’s power has been set up since the August Revolution and has constantly been strengthened, we can shift the revolution to socialism in a peaceful way. In the conditions of our country, the forces of the national bourgeoisie are small and weak in the economic as well as political fields. In former times, the bourgeoisie followed the workers and peasants, or supported them in the national democratic revolution. At present they are willing to accept socialist transformation, therefore our Party’s policy is peacefully to transform capitalist trade and industry, gradually to transform capitalist ownership into socialist ownership, through State capitalism, and to transform the bourgeois from exploiters into genuine workers through ideological education and participation in productive labour, so that they may actively contribute to socialist construction.
Lenin taught that with the support of the proletariat in advanced countries, the backward countries can bypass the stage of capitalist development to proceed to communism. This question is being put to our people in the North.
Our road to socialism cannot be other than the road Marxism-Leninism has mapped out and the Soviet Union and other brother socialist countries have been following with success. However, as Lenin taught, “All nations must advance to socialism, this is an unavoidable process, but in doing so, they do not all apply exactly the same measures. Each nation will have its particular characteristics in one form of democracy or another, of one or another kind of dictatorship of the proletariat and at one speed or another in socialist transformation in various fields of social activities”.
We must base ourselves on our country’s characteristics correctly to apply the common principles and laws on socialist construction, and work out adequate forms, methods, steps and speeds.
What are the characteristics of the north of our country in its transitional stage to advance to socialism? There are three main characteristics:
1. The north of our country is an area in which agriculture is backward and mainly based on individual production, capitalism is weak, agriculture accounts for the greater part of the national economy, industry is not yet developed, culture and science are at a low level, and the lack of cadres and technicians is acute.
2. Socialist construction and transformation in the North are being carried out in the condition of our country still being temporarily partitioned into two zones.
3. The north of our country is advancing to socialism at a time when the socialist camp has become a world system stronger than the capitalist camp, and the relations of international co-operation and distribution of work within the socialist camp have been built up and strengthened.
From the foregoing characteristics, we clearly realize that the North must and can by-pass the stage of capitalist development to advance to socialism.
The socialist revolution in the north of our country is a process of revolutionary transformation in all fields, aimed at directly taking the North from an economy mainly based on private ownership of means of production, to a socialist economy based on national ownership and collective ownership, from small-scale production to large-scale socialist production, and from a backward economy to an economy whose structure is balanced and modern, thus rapidly pushing the North forward in all fields and making of it a firm basis for the struggle for national reunification.
The foregoing process of revolutionary transformation is that of close co-ordination of socialist transformation with socialist construction; both these aspects are closely connected and cannot be separated. In the practical situation of our country, in the first stage, we consider socialist transformation as the central task, and at the same time we are making initial steps in socialist construction. When socialist transformation has scored decisive successes, we will shift our central task to socialist construction.
To carry out socialist transformation of a backward agricultural country like ours the main question is the socialist transformation of agriculture.
At present, the toiling peasants still remain the biggest forces in our country. Among 16 million people in the North, more than 14 million are peasant. Besides, our peasants have heroic revolutionary traditions and are confident in the Party’s leadership, not only in national democratic revolution but also in socialist revolution. If we do not rely on these large forces our socialist transformation and construction cannot be conducted favourably and successfully. We must clearly realize that the peasant question is still a fundamental question in the socialist revolution in our country, and that the forces of the toiling peasants together with the forces of the working class are still the main forces in socialist transformation and construction in our country.
The socialist transformation of capitalist trade and industry is also very important because it aims at liquidating the system of exploitation of man by man, and eliminating the economic sector opposing socialism.
In socialist transformation, the main thing is to build the material and technical basis for socialism. As Lenin has clearly shown, this material basis is a modern mechanized industry. To have a socialist material and technical basis in the condition of a country whose agriculture is backward like ours, there is no other way than carrying out socialist industrialization, which is the central task throughout the transitional period paving the way to socialism.
In socialist industrialization, we must firmly abide by the principle that priority must be given to the development of heavy industry and that particular attention must be paid to the development of the engineering branch because this is a common law of social development. Only through the development of heavy industry, which is a branch turning out means of production, can we secure an ever growing production for society, equip the national economic branches on the basis of modern technique and push forward the tempo of economic development, and on this basis secure a constant improvement in the people’s livelihood.
But socialist industrialization consists not only in building a modern industry but also in modernizing agriculture and other branches of the national economy. Ours is an agricultural country. We must set out on our road to socialism with this agricultural background in mind. Therefore, agriculture has a very great impact and significance during the process of socialist construction in our country.
That industry is the key branch of the national economy as a whole is a fact we must affirm. But agriculture is the basis of economy on which industry relies for its development. It is the source of supply of manpower, foodstuffs and raw materials, the consumer market for industry, and an important source of accumulation and exports to exchange for machines and equipment for industry. Moreover, agriculture is the most important branch supplying the people with means of subsistence.
Only through the intense development of agriculture can industry be favourably developed. In the process of socialist construction, we must attach great importance to the development of industry. At the same time we must pay due attention to agriculture, thoroughly understand and correctly co-ordinate the development of agriculture with that of industry, these being the two most important branches of the national economy.
Therefore, our policy in industrialization is to “build a balanced and modern socialist economic structure in co-ordinating industry with agriculture, to take industry as a foundation, in giving priority to its rational development, at the same time to strive to develop agriculture and light industry with a view to turning our backward country into a socialist one endowed with modern industry and modern agriculture”.
With regard to our economic transformation and development, the ideological, cultural and technical revolution has a very great impact.
In the situation of our country, whose material and technical basis is still low and weak, a very important question is to bring into full play the spirit, ideology and subjective dynamism of the toiling people in order to overcome material dearths and difficulties strongly to push forward the construction of the material and technical basis. Socialist construction can be sped up only through an ideological revolution, the raising of the conscience of the people as masters, the mobilization of their heroic spirit of struggle and selfless labour, and the drawing of the masses of people into participating in socialist construction.
Only by revolutionizing culture and technique, raising people’s cultural and technical level, intensifying the activities in the fields of science and technology, education, culture, arts, public health, etc., and training an army of technical cadres and skilled workers politically conscious and professionally qualified can modern industry, modern agriculture, and advanced culture and science be built.
Therefore, the ideological, cultural and technical revolution must be carried on simultaneously with the economic revolution: these revolutions must go hand in hand and provide mutual impetus in their development.
To implement the foregoing tasks is correctly to implement the theory and line of action common to socialist construction worked out by Lenin. This theory and line of action have been proved entirely correct by the historical experience of the Soviet Union and other brother socialist countries. This is the only road rapidly to lead the people of the North to a new life and turn it into a strong base in the struggle for national reunification. The task assigned to our entire Party and people in the North is to do their best to achieve this glorious and great objective.
At a time when the northern people are joyfully advancing to socialism, the southern people have to live under the yoke of the U.S. imperialists and their henchmen, the Ngo Dinh Diem clique.
At present South Vietnam is still a colonial and semi-feudal society fraught with two basic contradictions: the contradiction between the people as a whole and the aggressive imperialist invaders, and the contradiction between our people, whose vast majority are peasants, and the feudalists.
The law governing the South is that of a colonial and feudal regime. The road to liberation for the southern people can be none other than that mapped out by Lenin for the national-liberation revolution of colonial peoples.
But the national-democratic revolution of the southern people is being brought to pass at a time when the world and internal situation have undergone fundamental changes. In the world, the forces of socialism, national independence, peace and democracy have gained an ever growing supremacy while capitalism is weakening and driven back.
More and more possibilities have been provided to check and frustrate all imperialist warlike schemes, to maintain and consolidate a lasting peace.
In our country, our people are in possession of the completely liberated North and are advancing toward socialism. This is a firm base for the revolution in the South.
In this new conjuncture, the contradictions inherent in imperialism as indicated formerly by Lenin, viz. the contradiction between capitalism and the proletariat, the contradiction between imperialism and the colonies, and the contradiction between the imperialists among themselves, have not disappeared nor become less acute, but on the contrary remain unchanged and grow ever sharper. These contradictions are obvious in the South.
But in this present new situation, these contradictions of imperialism have undergone new changes:
1. Formerly the contradiction between monopoly- capitalism and the proletariat was mainly the contradiction within imperialist countries. The struggle of the proletariat in metropolitan countries against monopoly capitalism has weakened imperialism, thus creating favourable conditions for the revolution in the colonies to be launched.
At present, the situation has changed. With the emergence of the world socialist system, the contradiction between capitalism and proletariat is also expressed, in the first place between the socialist camp and the capitalist camp on a world-wide scale. It is also expressed in our country as a contradiction between the socialist system in the North and the imperialist domination in the South. In the world, the socialist forces are becoming stronger than the imperialist forces. In our country, the socialist forces in the North are also being developed strongly.
Though this situation has created a number of complications for the revolution in the South, the advantages are fundamental. We must know how to make use of this supremacy of the socialist forces adequately and in good time to help the revolution in the South develop favourably.
2. Formerly, in the contradiction between imperialism and the colonies throughout the world, the colonial forces were at the time weak. At present, the liberation movement of the colonial peoples has stirred up an immensely strong force which is smashing the colonial system of the imperialists and is overthrowing it. This situation is also very favourable to the revolution in the South. In our country at present, though the American imperialists are established only in the South, the contradiction between imperialism and the colonies is not confined to the South alone, on the contrary it is common to the whole country. The liberation of the South is not only a task of the southern people, but also of the entire people, of the South as well as of the North. The northern people will never neglect their task with regard to one half of their country, which is not yet liberated.
But in the present conjuncture, when the possibility exists to maintain a lasting peace in the world and create favourable conditions for the world movement of socialist revolution and national independence to go forward, we can and must guide and restrict within the South the solving of the contradiction between imperialism and the colonies in our country. The 12 million southern people successfully carried out the August Revolution, and conducted the heroic Resistance War for nine long years. In the present favourable conditions they are continuing to develop the tradition of unity and valiant struggle, and are certain to go forward, thus completing the liberation of the South, and bringing about the reunification of the Fatherland.
3. At present the contradiction between the imperialists themselves still exists and grows ever sharper.
For the last six years in the South, the contradiction between the imperialists themselves is very clearly expressed. The American imperialists have ousted the French colonialists and replaced them to rule over the South. Though colluding together in the so-called “S.E.A.T.O.” to oppose the North and the socialist camp, the imperialists are scrambling for a bigger share of the interests.
At present, while making use of the contradiction between the imperialists themselves, we must pay attention to a new situation, which is the contradiction between the newly-emerged capitalist countries in South-East Asia and the imperialist countries: this contradiction is not only between the notion of national independence of the peoples of these countries and colonialism or the contradiction between the need for peace of the peoples of these countries and imperialist warlike policies, but it is also the very contradiction between the newly developed capitalist economy of these countries and imperialist competition and pressure.
The foregoing contradictions, merged together, are weakening and isolating the imperialists throughout the world as well as in South Vietnam. As was taught by Lenin, the ever deeper contradictions inherent in capitalism favour the outbreak of the revolution. We must know how to make use of these contradictions skillfully in order to help push forward the revolution in the South.
The U.S.-Diem clique in the South, though rampant are irretrievably doomed to annihilation. The road to liberate the people from the imperialist plight cannot be other than the road of revolution.
At present, the revolution in the South is unfolding at a time when the possibility arises to maintain peace throughout the world. This is a new and favourable condition. If peace can be maintained, the aggressive schemes of the U.S.-Diem clique will rapidly fail, and their totalitarian fascist regime will rapidly decay. If peace is maintained, the revolutionary forces will enjoy necessary conditions to develop strongly. Hence. to maintain peace is a revolutionary slogan.
Following the road blazed by Lenin our southern people have built their revolutionary forces, united all patriotic forces opposed to the U.S.-Diem clique within a broad national united front on the basis of a firm worker-peasant-soldier alliance, and applied various adequate forms of organization and struggle, and in this way they will certainly bring to completion their glorious cause of liberating the South and bringing about the reunification of the Fatherland.
Lenin was not only a political theorician, a born strategist, but also a great philosopher, whose activities constituted a bright example in understanding and creatively applying dialectical and historical materialism. He was resolute in his struggle against idealism and revisionism, for the theoretical foundation of Marxism. He summed up the new scientific discoveries, essentially in natural science since the death of Marx and Engels, and developed the Marxist philosophy a step further.
Fighting against the bourgeois scholars who sought ways and means to repudiate the class character of philosophy, Lenin pointed out, “Now as 2,000 years ago, philosophy always bears the mark of partisanship”. He taught that we must make dialectical and historical materialism serve the proletariat, regarding this philosophy as a sharp tool in the hands of the working class to interpret the world, and what is more important, to transform it. He held that if the proletariat has not a world outlook based on dialectical and historical materialism, it cannot get the better of imperialism and take society to socialism.
Lenin always laid emphasis on the role of practice. Practice alone is the basis of knowledge and the criterion of truth. He taught us that to find out whether or not a revolutionary party is loyal to the revolutionary cause, we must not only base ourselves on its slogans and programme, but proceed from practice to control the execution of these slogans and programme. It is likewise with the working class’ party, the correctness of whose lines and policies can be controlled only on the basis of practice. Therefore theory cannot be severed from practice. Lenin said, “Theory is not a dogma but a compass for action”.
Lenin was always against bookishness, the learning by heart of hide bound formulas. He taught that we must base ourselves on the process of development of things, and on different times and places to formulate different policies. Truth is concrete, objective, it is not something abstract. Once the situation has changed, we must have the courage to reject the outdated formulas and conclusions, replace them by new ones to direct the masses’ revolutionary struggle.
Lenin taught us that in the development of things, there are always contradictions. They are the cause of development: “The law of unity and struggle of opposites is the core of dialectical materialism”. The task of a revolutionary party is not to conceal the contradictions but timely to discover the mature ones in society and to solve them. The art in revolutionary guidance lies precisely in the discovery and solution of contradictions. To this end we must know how to grasp the most essential contradiction and concentrate our forces on it.
Lenin’s revolutionary theory as a whole is precisely the ingenious application of the basic principles of dialectical and historical materialism to the revolutionary struggle. Therefore in learning them we cannot discard ourselves from the theoretical basis of dialectical and historical materialism.
Lenin’s life and activities are also a model of revolutionary spirit and virtues. He devoted all his life to the great cause of communism. Until his last breath, he did not cease to militate for the emancipation of the working class, the toiling people and oppressed nations. The rulers imprisoned him, exiled him to far-off and desolate Siberia, forced him to take refuge in foreign countries, the counter-revolutionaries plotted to assassinate him but they could not shake his boundless loyalty to the revolution.
The whole life of Lenin’s was a fierce and relentless combat. Not only did he harbour a deep hatred for all exploiting systems and resolutely struggle for their elimination but he unceasingly unmasked and pitilessly fought all opportunists in the workers’ movement, and all erroneous political tendencies and ideas within the party. In the process oi revolution, he struggled and defeated the Populists, the Mensheviks, the Economists, the Otzovists, the Liquidators, he fought against the Trotskyites, the Bukharinistes, the Democratic Centralism group, the Workers’ Opposition, etc. in Russia, and also against the opportunists and revisionists in the Second International, such as Kautsky, Bernstein. He taught us, “He who wants to reconcile with opportunism will wallow in the opportunist mire.” As Stalin rightly put it, Lenin was an eagle of the forest, he never feared struggle and boldly took the Party forward in virgin directions of the revolutionary movement.
One of Lenin’s valuable virtues was his love for the masses, his profound confidence in their revolutionary potential and creativeness. Lenin was constantly close to the masses, listened attentively to them, tried to understand their aspirations and find out their difficulties, and learned from them. The harder the revolution, the greater Lenin’s confidence in the masses’ revolutionary potential. We all know that right from the beginning of his revolutionary career, he struggled against the Populists who slighted the role of the masses, regarding them as bumpkins. He showed that the masses are genuine makers of history.
Lenin highly valued every creative initiative of the masses. After the October Revolution, he devoted a great work, A great beginning, to praise the revolutionary mettle of the masses on communist Saturdays.
Lenin had also many other virtues well known to us. He was simple, modest, showed a deep concern about his comrades and the masses, never slighted little things, loved and respected women and children, etc.
In commemorating Lenin, we must endeavour to learn from his revolutionary virtues, temper ourselves into a communist militant possessed of political awareness, loyalty to the revolution, energy, selfless devotion and heroism as Lenin used to say in order to be a worthy fighter in the combat army of great Lenin.
In our country, President Ho Chi Minh is the symbol of Lenin’s purest and finest revolutionary virtues. We must do our utmost to follow his example.
In recalling Lenin’s great contributions to the world revolution, and his revolutionary virtues and style in work, we can see all the clearer that he is an extremely great man. After Marx and Engels, the world has not yet got so great a figure as Lenin.
The road blazed by Marxism-Leninism has stood the test of history and proved to be the unique and correct road taking mankind to freedom and happiness.
Under the glorious banner of Marxism-Leninism, the people of the great Soviet Union overthrew the rule of the Tsar, of the landlords and the capitalists, eliminated the exploiting classes and the exploitation of man by man, completed the construction of a socialist society and are heroically marching forward.
Under the glorious banner of Marxism-Leninism, the peoples of great China and of the brother socialist countries have scored many brilliant achievements in their revolutionary cause, and are valiantly advancing to the successful completion of socialist construction.
Under the glorious banner of Marxism-Leninism, the working class and the toiling people throughout the world are doing their utmost in their struggle for peace, democracy, social progress and have gained great successes.
Under the glorious banner of Marxism-Leninism, the oppressed nations have risen up for self-liberation and are winning repeated brilliant successes.
Under the glorious banner of Marxism-Leninism, our Vietnamese people brought the August Revolution and the Resistance to success, completely liberated half of our country and are resolutely struggling to take North Vietnam to socialism and realize national reunification.
We are completely confident that the invincible banner of Marxism-Leninism will certainly take the revolutionary cause of the world’s people and of Vietnam to splendid successes.
—Long live great Lenin!
—Long live Marxism-Leninism, the invincible banner of the working class, the toiling people and the oppressed nations!
— The proletariat and the oppressed nations in the world, unite!
— Long live communism!
—Long live peaceful, united, independent, democratic and prosperous Vietnam!
 Speech delivered at a meeting for the commemoration of Lenin’s 90th birthday anniversary (April 20, 1960).
Next: Reassessment of the leadership of the Vietnamese proletariat