DOCUMENT 19

Letter from Farrell Dobbs to co-thinkers in England and France, December 3, 1953

Documents 3 to 17 and 19 to 24 originally published in Internal Bulletins of the SWP and the International Bulletins of the International Committee


Dear Comrades, We note that the November 22 conference of representatives of the British, French, New Zealand, and Swiss sections proposed an Emergency International Conference within two or three months. So far as we can determine, the motivation for this conference appears to be that it is necessary in order to give authority to the International Committee of the Fourth International (Trotskyist) and in order to save some of the weaker sections in Europe from demoralization at the hands of the Pabloites.

In our opinion, the International Committee already has all the authority it needs, representing as it does an initiating group of four important sections, and it will gain further authority as additional sections rally to its support. An Emergency Conference instead of giving authority to the International Committee could have the opposite result. Such a conference would confront people with the necessity of making organizational decisions when the central need is for discussion of political ideas. It could open the way for Pabloite organizational maneuvers when the task is to hit the Pabloites with political polemics.

It would be incorrect in our view to determine the question of an international gathering on the basis of Europe alone or on the basis of areas where the struggle is now most acute or has already been concluded. It is important to think in the broadest world terms in connection with any contemplated international gathering.

A hasty conference would not be likely to influence weak sections, except perhaps the wrong way. Waverers who could in time be won by us through political polemic would be considered Pablo supporters. Similarly, any section that for whatever reason could not be represented at the conference or would not be in a position to express itself in connection with the conference would be counted in the Pablo camp. Given time, however, we can present such a solid front against Pablo that it will destroy any pretense on his part of representing anything at all.

We note also that reference is made to the 'provisional' character of the International Committee. We think this concept should be dropped. There is nothing at all provisional about the participation of the sections that have already initiated the International Committee. Nor will there be anything provisional about the action of the sections who will later come to support the Committee.

The term 'provisional' implies that we concede Pablo a majority in the International. It conflicts with the need to make clear that the International is composed, not of Pablo's rigged majority on the IS and IEC, but of the functioning parties and groups throughout the world who base themselves on the Trotskyist program. From its start the International Committee constitutes the coordinating body whose task is to mobilize these genuine Trotskyists for a finish fight with Pablo.

The immediate functions of the International Committee, as we see it, should be to: develop contacts everywhere in the world; publish an internal bulletin in the name of the Committee for a democratic discussion among genuine Trotskyists; conduct public polemics against the Pabloites in the press of the sections; and provide supplementary information to the genuine Trotskyists everywhere on developments in the different sections.

We believe this fight will be decided, not by an Emergency Conference, but by a showdown that will take place section by section. In this showdown the International Committee should appeal in its name for allegiance to genuine Trotskyism as against the revisionist-liquidationist IS of Pablo. Thus the central task of the International Committee in the next period would be to enlarge, country by country, the circle of its adherents. As further forces comes to its support the Committee can be expanded in order to increase its influence and authority.

Once all the sections have declared themselves, the time will have come to take up concretely the convening on a democratic basis,not of an Emergency Conference, but of the Fourth Congress of the Fourth International.

The views set forth in this letter represent the collective opinion of the leading comrades here. If you find yourself in disagreement with these views, we hope you will write us as soon as possible so we can teach a common understanding and coordinate our actions accordingly.

Fraternally,

Smith


Trotskyism Versus Revisionism Document Index | Toward a History of the Fourth International | Trotsky Encyclopedia Home Page


Last updated 17.8.2003