First Published: Bolshevik, Political Organ of the Revolutionary Wing, Vol. 6, No. 11, November-December 1976.
Transcription, Editing and Markup: Paul Saba
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Moving forward to the first Party Congress of the U.S. Bolshevik Party, giving blow after blow to the main danger, right opportunism and revisionism which wants to take hold and come to power. But Bolshevism is on the rise and we are not to be stopped – Fighting pessimism and complacent optimism, standing on revolutionary optimism. The Future is Indeed Bright.
The Bolshevik Party Press, our political organ, Palante, our theoretical journal Bolshevik, our pamphlet, Party Building in the Heat of Class Struggle, our shop papers and area newsletters, our leaflets, all testify to the fact that we have been hammering out the party’s basic line and program of action, which we will continue doing after the first party congress.
The line of the Revolutionary Wing on propaganda as our chief form of work as seen in our words and our deeds, putting out in our press the correctness of the line, propagating the Method of Leninism, training, the Party, the class, the masses, each page – full of the party spirit “The Future Is Bright, Bolshevik Party Cadre Building the U.S. Bolshevik Party”, “No Tea Party in Boston”, “Stand on the Method of Leninism”, “The Line of the Revolutionary Wing on I.W.W.D.”, “Mensheviks are Objective Agents of the Bourgeoisie”. The pages testify the Revolutionary Wing is standing on the Method of Leninism. Testifying that we purge our ranks of opportunist elements, testifying that the party will and must be built out of our wing; testifying the partyist elements are in the Revolutionary Wing; testifying that we have struggled against right opportunism and revisionism, the main danger and fighting the Right deviation in our ranks, and also fighting the “left”, against bourgeois ideology, whatever form it shows its ugly head in our ranks. Our slogans, subtitles testimony to the struggle against opportunism and forward motion to the First Party Congress of the U.S. Bolshevik Party. The pages of the press testify to struggle on all three fronts ideologically, politically and organizationally, contrary to the attacks that we only deal with political tasks. We have consistently fought for theory playing leading role never under-rating theory nor absolutizing practice. Waging battle after battle against empiricism, the main philosophical deviation, the practical worker, against rationalism, in fact against all forms of idealism and metaphysics.
We have struggled as seen in our press for democratic centralism against bureaucratic centralism, technocratism, intellectualism. For Bolshevik criticism and self-criticism.
In the pages of the press clearly emerge the struggle for the Party and the determined and correct stand of the Revolutionary Wing.
The Bolshevik Party Press aids in cadre training supplying the Bolshevik Party cadre with timely polemics, training cadre how to distinguish between two classes, two line, two roads on every question. The propaganda and agitation of the Revolutionary Wing both written and verbal, Palante which is used to carry out our chief form of work, monthly putting out centralized guidance throughout the country providing valuable information to the International Proletariat on the struggle to build the U.S. Bolshevik Party. The Bolshevik Party Press aids in the party cadre becoming versed in the Marxist-Leninist science of the laws of social development. Reprinting polemics by the great teachers that are important and usually scarce that speaks to the struggle against the main danger right opportunism – Remember Stalin’s “Communist Party of Czechoslovakia”, Chairman Mao’s “Attempts at Reversal of Correct Verdicts...”, Enver Hoxha’s “Opening of the Party School”, just to name a few. The press aids in helping our cadre, become specialists in the line.
Our paper, Palante was forged out of the struggles of the Puerto Rican National Minority, it comes out of the struggles of the oppressed masses representing the interests of the multinational working class. Oh how the Mensheviks wish to forget this fact. Especially, the liquidators, the Workers Viewpoint Organization and their “overall correct line.”
We have had to fight for Bolsheviks to maintain control over the paper. Coming out in the first period 1969 under the Young Lords Organization, then the Young Lords Party, then Puerto Rican Revolutionary Workers Organization and now the Revolutionary Wing.
There was liquidation of the paper for a year from 1973- 1974. As summed up in Party Building in the Heat of Class Struggle (page 33)
It got so bad for us that we even liquidated our newspaper Palante for a while. Much of this decision was based on R.U.’s “advice.” (They saw Palante as another of their intermediate anti-imperialists newspapers) aided by our internal opportunists, our internal economists who were very happy following the path of least resistance.
Through the pages of the press, we can trace, walk through the intense two-line struggle against right opportunism and revisionism to keep the paper in the interests of the proletariat.
Sabotage going down as the Mensheviks, conciliators, paid and unpaid agents of the bourgeoisie worked day and night, overtime, trying to keep the Bolshevik Party Press out of the hands of the Bolshevik Party cadres. Their deeds – factionalizing, destroying subscription of individuals as they came in, letting some organizational subscriptions go through; not sending papers out to subscribers, hiding subscription lists, not answering correspondence; sneaking in opportunist lines while typing polemics; during layout, cutting out and throwing away parts of polemics; all these acts attempts to sabotage the press, to attempt to discredit the Bolsheviks in eyes of the masses, attempting to isolate the Bolsheviks from the advanced. Their deeds spell treason, their acts and names we shall never forget. The proletariat and its party has an unshakable memory. Watch out for the Bolsheviks as comrade Chou En-Lai said “Our line is out in the open, clear and open. Schemers can never win.” (Jan. 1976, New China)
The paid and unpaid agents of the bourgeoisie propagated their trash in our ranks – propagated the Menshevik line – build the patty from below, the staff of the paper is the Editorial Board and not the Centralized leadership.
The cry for the Editorial Staff as the editorial board is the Menshevik cry for two centers, for factionalizing. Because the opportunists wanted to make the staff the center, their center from which to build a Social-Democratic Party. Some attempted to use the Russian experience of a C.C. and C.O. as justification for their treason, slandering Lenin’s teachings and stand on one center, and against factionalizing. The opportunist editors of the paper saw the staff as a place to build their base, to propagate bourgeois ideas, to be their base for building the mass movement, carrying out agitation as the chief form of work.
These opportunist fools desired control, desired power, and whenever possible, at every chance put forth the staff was the editorial board, crying for two centers, as the Mensheviks and Conciliators desired a position a place they could propagate their line. Their desire to build the party from below singing Long Live Martov, Bernstein, Axelrod and Kautsky Klonsky.
But the Bolsheviks, vigilant, fought against these despicable creatures who wanted to turn the pages of the press over to the traditions of the Second International. These despicable creatures saw themselves as the boss, their plant being newspaper production, and their workers being the cadre. So the treacherous Richie Perez had the cadre call him boss. And he was the master behind the plan to seize the press for the bourgeoisie. He and his kind attempted to replace Bolsheviks with Mensheviks, bringing in opportunist elements, paid and unpaid agents saying they could type well, take short-hand, do lay-out, help with subscriptions, translate, saying they had technical skills but never a mumbling word about their skill on the line of the Revolutionary Wing.
Propagating intellectualism, by bueaucratism and technocratism in our ranks as the opportunist attempted to mystify the production of the paper, failed to train cadre in every step of production, all in an attempt to promote that only a select few, the genius, can put out the paper, only the bourgeois intellectuals. They attempted to lull the cadre, to make them passive, the practical workers. The apparatus was everything to them, the cadre nothing. When problems occurred their answer, inflate the apparatus.
But the Mensheviks received death blows from the Bolsheviks, calling for the Center to be the Editorial Board, calling for, demanding and assuring the paper was more and better propaganda.
We waged fierce struggle against the opportunist, exposed them, and purged them from our ranks. Their purge reflects the strength and correctness of the line. The opportunist daydreamed to turn Palante into a Ragsheet, a CALL a Resistencia, a WVO Paper, turned into a nightmare as we fought the Right and continued that Party Building is Our Central and Only Task. For as Chairman Mao says, we can only have one central task at any given time.
But these fools must daydream on for our paper, we are determined to keep it on the correct road, representing our stand with Marxism-Leninism Mao Tsetung Thought. Let’s examine the differences between our propaganda and that of the Menshevik, the Unity trend and the liquidators, and their view of the Revolutionary Wing’s carrying out propaganda as our chief form of work.
The O.L. attacks the Revolutionary Wing’s carrying out propaganda as our chief form of work. The O.L. says: “these dogmatists and sectarians whose newspapers are only directed at a few – the advanced of the advanced – while forgetting that the communist press also has an important role in bringing revolutionary agitation to the broad masses.”
This statement further shows the O.L.’s utter contempt for propaganda and for advanced workers. We stand on the teachings of Comrade Lenin who stated:
The newspaper that wants to become the organ of the Russian Social-Democrats must therefore be at the level of the advanced workers; not only must it not lower its level artificially but on the contrary it must raise it constantly it must follow up all the tactical political and- theoretical problems of Social-Democracy. (Retrograde Trend p. 27)
So we can see from the propaganda, of the Bolshevik Party Press and the regaheets of the October League who is following the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Chairman Mao and Enver Hoxha and who is following Bernstein, Kautsky, Axelrod, Krushchev, Breshnev and Kosygin, Gus Hall and the new Revisionists Jerry Tung, Kautsky Klonsky, and Cruz. Let’s look more at how the unity trend views propaganda agitation and their ragsheets.
As is their view of all things, their focus is on numbers, on economic agitation to anyone that will take it. Kautsky Klonsky in Class Struggle said of the Call going weekly: “The weekly will have more emphasis on agitation and on comprehensive all-sided exposure of the capitalist system. It will aim to become an even more popular paper reaching out to the broadest possible mass audience.” (Class Struggle #3 Building Party and Weekly Press)
A cursory glance at any one of the Calls shows what the Call represents – reformism, revisionism, economic agitation, bourgeois “success stories” on the Fight Back, CYO and all their other groupings and pledge after pledge from Mensheviks saying they promise to be true to Kautsky Klonsky and the line of the unity trend. The paper represents the interests of the bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisie applauds the Call going weekly.
Klonsky in speaking to how they will use the Call to better worship the spontaneous movements says: “The weekly newspaper will enable us–and encourage us–to play a much more active role in intervening in ongoing struggles. Unlike a monthly the weekly paper is able to stride into the thick of a conflict as it develops to strike blows while the iron is hot and to decide the outcome of struggles by giving correct leadership.”
The October League is stating their worship of spontaneity and their plans to serve it with all their vascillating might. In their concentration on quantity and in competing for the CPUSA’s base the O.L. says: “after only two issues the circulation of the journal Class Struggle is already double that of Political Affairs. So this shows the strengths in size and experience of the CPUSA also contains its weaknesses.”
This focus on quantity and not line is also reflected in more of the bourgeois rubbish the O.L. peddles. Menshevik Klonsky says:
As I mentioned earlier the efforts to build the party rest largely upon our organizational development. Here again the newspaper is key. Look at the various pre-party organizations and measure their level or organization. This can be done by examining their press. How often does it come put? Is it regular? What level of mass ties and theoretical level does it reflect? The newspaper is a valid criterion by which to judge these things.
The Mensheviks focus on quantity and organization but never on ideological and political line. MARXISM-LENINISM MAO TSETUNG THOUGHT TEACHES US THAT THE IDEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL LINE decides everything – not how often the paper comes out. Not how many you sell! The bourgeois press sells millions but the content is bourgeois ideology. The pages of the Call shows that the October League depends on the bourgeoisie for analysis. The Call is a reflection of spreading bourgeois influence on the Proletariat. Their dependency on the New York Times is seen through and through in the pages of their press as they propagate class collaboration. We will expose them further in the next issue of Bolshevik!
And the press of the Mensheviks shows their fear of the dictatorship of the proletariat, how they dare not mention Comrade Enver Hoxha and the Party of Labour of Albania. The Mensheviks also dare not mention Stalin who they fear something terrible.
Have you ever seen a picture of Stalin, Marx, Engels or Enver Hoxha in the pages of the press of the Mensheviks? What pictures do they put forth – for the W.V.O.’s paper is full of the bourgeoisie and social props – page after page – Rockefeller, Chavez, Sherman Miller, Ford.
Look at the pages of the Bolshevik Party Press compare it with the ragsheets of the Mensheviks. The Mensheviks concentrate on quantity and we concentrate on quality, two roads, two line, two classes on each and every question. What is correct way to view quantity, frequency with which paper comes out? Surely not the analysis of the Mensheviks. Our focus is on quality, assuring the Bolshevik line is what gets propagated in our press. Being vigilant, studying the polemics, struggling over them, raising contradictions and struggle over errors and deviations as they show themselves. Now let’s examine what the liquidators have to say:
PRRWO’s interpretation of the slogan ’propaganda is our chief form of activity’ is that propaganda is the only task for communists in this period. Never once they mention agitation. To them that slogan means that communists participation in mass struggles of the working class equals bowing to spontaneity and committing to the sins of economise. This is why PRRWO recently accused WVO of trying to move prematurely from the first step of consolidating the vanguard to the second step of going out to the broad masses. They accused us of following the R.U.’s line of building the mass movement as the principal task. (page 7, Baby Blue)
First off, we address the Liquidators back from the Revolutionary Wing which they wish did not exist, which they say was formed and not forged in the heat of struggle against opportunism in the building of the U.S. Bolshevik Party and which they see as disassembled when their likes were purged from our ranks forever.
The Bolsheviks have fought long and hard to carry out propaganda as our chief form of work in this period. We have also fought for and done agitation. But what the opportunist scream about is that we are not doing economic agitation, that we are not worshipping the spontaneous’ movement. This fits in with the Mensheviks’ two-stage revolution in fundamental opposition to the correct line of one-stage revolution in the U.S., our program and its tactical line. Inside our ranks the right shows itself in attempting to put economic demand in the tactical line and not political demands, seeing that communists fight for political demands in the economic sphere. Mensheviks fight for economic agitation as they attempt to lend the economic struggle a political character. Their minimum program, fighting for reformism.
Comrade Lenin in What is to Be Done, ideological foundation of the Party polemicized against this trade unionism. He said:
The overwhelming majority of Russian Social Democrats have of late been almost entirely absorbed in this work of organizing the exposure of factory conditions. Suffice it to recall Rabochaya Mysl to see the extent to which they have been absorbed by it – so much so, indeed, that they have lost sight of the fact that this, taken by itself, is in essence still not Social-Democratic work, but merely trade union work. As a matter of fact, the exposures merely dealt with the relations between the workers in a given trade and their employers, and all they achieved was that the sellers of labour-power learned to sell their “commodity” on better terms and to fight the purchasers over a purely commercial deal. These exposures would have served (if properly utilized by an organization of revolutionaries) as a beginning and a component part of Social-Democratic activity but they could also have (and, given a worship attitude towards spontaneity, were bound to lead) to a “purely trade union” struggle and to a non-Social-Democratic working-class movement. Social-Democracy leads the struggle of the working class, not only for better terms for the sale of labour-power, but for the abolition of the social system that compels the propertyless to sell themselves to the rich. Social-Democracy represents the working class, not in its relation to a given group of employers alone, but in its relation to all classes of modern society and to the state as an organized political force. Hence, it follows that not only must Social-Democrats not confine themselves exclusively to the economic struggles, but that they must not allow the organization of economic exposures to become the predominant part of their activities. We must take-up actively the political education of the working class and the development of its political consciousness. (pg. 163-164, What Is To Be Done, Vol. 1, Lenin, Selected Works)
The cry for economic agitation is an attack on the key link, crying whip up the mass movement, crying stop hammering out the party’s basic line and program of action. The cry for economic agitation is the cry for trade unionism, for us to join ranks with the new revisionists. But our response is clear, seen in our deeds hammering out the party’s basic line and program of action, uniting Marxist-Leninists and winning the advance to communism, Bolshevizing our ranks, strengthening the party committees, organizing the party branches and building the factory nuclei. These must be seen as carrying out propaganda work. The struggle that go down each and every day on the shop floors, the main form of propaganda being verbal, is ongoing.
The fight for the line is open and aboveboard, everyday and everywhere we must imbue the masses with the Party spirit, become one with them and in their interest, Build the Party to lead the Proletariat, raise its political consciousness.
The right deviation and the conciliatory attitude towards it reflects itself on the “Secret Cadre” In order not to polemize, not to propagate the line of the wing, in the fight for the Party, which serves liquidationigm, which is the way that Communist independence and initiative are undermined and liquidated.
We must be open to the masses aid closed to the enemy. This principle of secrecy is the way by which we combine legal and illegal work, never lose Communist initiative and independence, never conceal our views, strengthen our ties with the masses, and defeat the social democracy that so despicably plagues our movement.
The shop newsletters must reflect the fight for the Party, the fight for the seizure of state power, and for the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, the shop newsletters must educate the class conscious workers in the science of the Proletariat Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought applied to our concrete conditions – the fight for the Party’s basic line and Program.
They must elucidate on given problems draw the interconnections, and interrelations show clearly the contradictions expose the state, E.G. Take the brutal assassination of Ronald Evans, the Policeman got off on $20,000 bail, the state is copping to an insanity plea, the pig will probably get off, in any case the state will clean up its blood stained hands, with the sweat, deprivation and humiliation of the working class. Yet at the same time Jesse Livingston is up for execution for “killing a policeman.” Our propaganda must do the political exposures, draw how these are not isolated cases, show how the working class is subjugated to have to live in miserable conditions, death due to occupational accidents, e.g. 55 workers hurt, several died in gun factory just two weeks ago, again the state covered up the obvious disgraceful hazardous conditions that the workers in the gun factory worked under. Draw the connections take it to the essence, imperialism moribund and decadent. And don’t stop, show how we must not only understand but change the world we live in, draw out the struggle of the proletariat and oppressed masses internationally, (Take it to the era we are in, Take it to the era Leninism), and by properly drawing out these many ideas to the few lay the solid foundation for the ongoing Agitational work that must accompany Propaganda as the chief form of activity.
Comrades, we must intensify the struggle to get out the shop papers and area newsletters and for those that are coming out, they must be regular, the polemics must be timely unfolded.
We have a great deal of work ahead of us, we cannot afford to be lax in our work. There is a need to polemicize more with the new revisionists in the areas and shops we are in, particularly the area and shop papers bringing out more specific struggles with them around their practice in the shops and areas. We must get on with the tasks and cut out this laxity in our work.
As comrade Enver Hoxha says:
Resolute party comrades, at these critical moments, any laxity in our work, any evasion of work is a dagger in the heart of the Party, and negligence, any breach of discipline is a bullet in the heart of the Party it is a dagger and a bullet in our own hearts, for you are the party. (page 66)
We must see the laxity in our work, the deviation from line and failure to struggle fiercely against the right as putting a dagger in, the heart of the party coming into being, the U.S. Bolshevik Party.
Comrades, now we must again go more to how the Right deviation shows itself in our ranks and fight staunchly to purge the right deviation from our ranks.
Comrades, we must severely criticize the shop papers and area newsletters that have not been developed or that are coming out irregularly. Failure to do so is the right, it is failure to carry out propaganda as our chief form of work. It is not enough to be satisfied with the central organ coming out and not thoroughly criticize our failure to put out shop papers and see this in relation to the building of the factory nuclei, It is not enough to say propaganda is the chief form of work – we must check our deeds. “The Right deviation”, as Comrade Stalin says, “underestimates the strength of our enemies, the strength of capital.” We must not in the least relax our struggle against the right deviation, to be satisfied that Palante comes out. There must be a real fight against the Right deviation. We do have correct examples of shop papers, like Final Aim. Area Paper – Workers Struggle that we can see as models to pattern after that reflect party building is the central and only task, propaganda chief form of work. And then there are shop papers that come out representing the right deviating from the line of the wing, like the Remoulder – representing economic agitation, a call for build the mass movement.
Comrades, Why are the Shop Papers not coming out? We cannot blame it on not having technical equipment. We cannot say that there has been no struggle for comrades to put out shop papers, again the struggle to carry out propaganda chief form of work throughout all levels of our ranks is a historic polemic.
The shop papers will not fall from the sky. They will come only through our work at putting them out. And as has been our stance, they must reflect propaganda as our chief form of work. They must be seen as necessities in aiding in building the factory nuclei, in strengthening our ties with the advance, with moving from influence to authority.
But the “dying screams” of the right to remain in our ranks say don’t put out no written propaganda, don’t do those shop papers, no area papers, why build the factory nuclei. We must fight staunchly, unceasingly against this main danger, right opportunism and revisionism. We must build the factory nuclei to help strengthen our ties with the advanced and the masses and the shop papers are very crucial, are part and partial of this work. We know that, comrades are carrying out verbal propaganda each and every day on the shop floors as well as have organized study groups.
Comrades, the right deviation also shows itself in comrades not studying Bolshevik Party Press materials, not going back over Party Building in the Heat of Class Struggle and Bolshevik. This is reversal of correct verdicts – directives that clearly state we must and have to study the polemics, we have to study the classics. Belittling theory, belittling the two-line struggle, that is how the right continues to show its ugly head in our ranks. Being satisfied with the paper coming out but then not seriously studying it, again, the right. Again quoting Comrade Enver Hoxha, speaking on Educational, Political and Theoretical Work said: “It sometimes happens that comrades do not study even those materials that come into their hands, such as books, leaflets, etc. There are also communists who distribute leaflets without even reading them themselves. What could they possibly say to the people? Sometimes, only the distribution of the leaflets is discussed in the cells. This should not happen any more. Ail party members should read and study our leaflets, for in them they will find the political line of the Party. We should study the literature, for only in this way can we arm ourselves with knowledge. All the materials of the Party should be the subjects of study in the cells. We should not behave with the party materials as we have done up till now; we should study them, not leave them for months in unsuitable places to get wet in the rain, or eaten by mice. The organs of the Party should be very careful about this, and they should organize the distribution of materials properly, because irregularities on this point as well as other ^manifestations of laxity on the part of certain comrades ....” (Pgs. 23-24, Enver Hoxha Works, 1st Consult. Mtg.)
We must take heed to these teachings of Comrade Enver Hoxha for we too are guilty of these deviations, as he says, this should not happen anymore.
There are some comrades guilty of only reading the polemic beginning on the first page, waiting on specific assignments to go through, and independently study the entire paper. We stand on collective study but there also has to be independent individual study.
In our work in propaganda, we have translated some of the classics in Spanish, that have not been available in our translations there have been errors made as we are being trained and training comrades. Much struggle goes on on the translations as in all our work. We are compiling a dictionary of words used in polemics that may not be in Spanish dictionary, that will aid in our translations of Marxist Leninist works that aren’t available.
In distribution there has been political carelessness in not assuring that comrades immediately got their papers as seen as it got off the press. We have greatly improved and are making improvements in the distribution of our propaganda. We must increase our distribution and every comrade must see this as a task that has to be taken up. We must and will increase our distribution especially in the large industrial area like Chicago, Detroit, Birmingham, to get the polemics out more widely.
Resolute party comrades, protect the party material read it and distribute it! Our newspapers and leaflets, the party bulletins and pamphlets must reach the most remote cottage, the voice of justice and the call to arms must reach all ears and leave no heart untouched. (Enver Hoxha p. 67)
It is important that we get the papers out monthly on time, the timely unfolding of polemics. But we did not get vol. 6 #9 out and for this we offer self-criticism as reflecting the effects of the crisis and wavering on line. Without the paper coming out that mouth supporters and subscribers and comrades we are not in direct contact with did not know what had happened. For there are many comrades and supporters anxiously awaiting the paper each month. Comrades awaiting Polemics and guidance. And with Vol. 6 # 10, we were late getting the paper out. We must put the paper out on time because of the importance of timely polemics, necessity to supply timely information about the movement.
It is necessary to hate the enemy in order to fight him properly, and it is essential to know errors well in order to be able to fight and overcome them correctly. We must be vigilant towards the errors of the others, but at the same time we must keep a watch on ourselves, observe our mistakes and correct them. (pg. 806, Enver Hoxha Works I)
These are some of the manifestations of the Right deviation showing its ugly head in oar work in carrying out propaganda as our chief form of work. We put forth our shortcomings and our errors our deviations as we have done historically, standing on the method of Leninism. As Comrade Stalin says:
It would, be strange to fear that our enemies, our internal and external enemies, might exploit the criticism of our shortcomings and raise the shout: Oho! All is not well with those Bolsheviks! It would be strange if we Bolsheviks were to fear that. The strength of Bolshevism lies precisely in the fact that it is not afraid to admit its mistakes. Let the Party, let the Bolsheviks, let all the upright workers and labouring elements in our country bring to light the shortcomings in our work, the shortcomings in our constructive effort, and let them indicate ways of eliminating our shortcomings , so that there may be no stagnation, vegetation, decay in our work and our const motion so that all our work and all our constructive measures may improve from day today and go from success to success. That is the chief thing now. As for our enemies, let them rant about our shortcomings – such trifles cannot and should not disconcert Bolsheviks. (Stalin, pages 33-34, “Work of April Joint Plenum of C.C. and C.C.C.”, vol. 11)
We will continue to centrally unfold our errors and deviations in our press as the pages of our press continues to spell death to the bourgeoisie, spells the proletariat is the only revolutionary class, spells the party is the advanced detachment and highest form of class organization of the proletariat, spells a Bolshevik Party is being built – standing on the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Chairman Mao and Enver Hoxha, spells – “fighting for proletarian revolution for the dictatorship of the proletariat through armed overthrow of the bourgeois state, to carry out the task of socialist construction and on to the abolition of classes.” (page 4, May Day Speech)
As we move forward to the first Party Congress, we propose to change the name of our political organ, Palante to Bolshevik, built on the struggles and traditions of the past, representing and continuing those struggles, aiming to become the paper of the U.S. Bolshevik Party, this is not automatic but our deeds speak to fighting for a Bolshevik Party, fighting for the strategic principle of Bolshevization, fighting to build a party of Lenin and Stalin along new revolutionary lines.
And on this the Eve of the First Party Congress of the U.S. Bolshevik Party we will elect an acting central committee and the paper will be the organ of the acting Central Committee and the Acting Standing Committee, the Editorial Board.
Comrades, as we move forward intensify our study of party press materials, distribute the paper more widely, do not rest on our successes or become pessimistic with setbacks. Fight the Right, Fight to Unite. We end taking heed from our great teacher, Joseph Stalin, in a section on Report on 18th Congress of the C.P.S.U.B.:
There is hardly need to dwell on the cardinal importance of Party propaganda of the M-L training of our people. I am referring not only to Party functionaries. I am also referring to the workers in the Young Communist League, trade union, trade, cooperative, economic, state, educational, military and other organizations. The work of regulating the composition of the Party and of bringing the leading bodies closer to the activities of the lower bodies may be organized satisfactorily; the work of promoting, selecting and allocating cadres may also be organized satisfactorily; but, with all this, if our Party propaganda for some reason or other goes lame, if the M-L training of our cadres begins to languish, if our work of raising the Political and Theoretical level of these cadres flags, and the cadres themselves cease on account of this to show interest in the prospect of our further progress, cease to understand the truth of our cause and are transformed into narrow plodders with no outlook, blindly and mechanically carrying out instructions from above – then our entire state and Party work must inevitably languish.