THE first American troops, the 27th Infantry, consisting of 53 officers and 1537 enlisted men under Colonel Henry D. Styer, arrived in Siberia from, Manila, August 16, 1918. The 31st Infantry, with 46 officers and 1375 men followed a few days later. Colonel Styer assumed command of the expedition until my arrival, September 1.
Up to the time of my arrival in Vladivostok, I had received no information as to the military, political, social, economic, or financial situation in Russia. Just before I left San Francisco, I received a dispatch from Washington, stating in effect, that information seemed to indicate that Japan's policy would be to keep the various Russian forces apart and oppose any strong Russian central authority, but to support a number of weak Russian forces which could not form more than a screen for Japanese action. If I had known as much about the Japanese Military when I received this information from Washington as I knew later, the message would have conveyed much more information to my mind. I have often thought it was unfortunate I did not know more of the conditions in Siberia than I did when I was pitch-forked into the melee at Vladivostok. At other times I have thought that ignorance was not only bliss in such a situation, but was advisable.
Due, in part at least, to my ignorance of the conditions, I landed in Vladivostok without any pre-conceived ideas as to what should or should not be done. I had no prejudice against any Russian faction and anticipated I would be able to work harmoniously and in a cooperative spirit with all the Allies.
Very early in the morning of September 2, Colonel Styer and several American officers came aboard the Thomas, and Admiral Austin M. Knight sent an officer to extend me an invitation to breakfast with him on the old Brooklyn.
The fact that we were not troubled by custom inspectors and quarantine officials was my first initiation into a country without a Government. It is true the Czechs were in charge of Vladivostok at that time, but their authority was a result of force, not of agreement, therefore one national had the same right as to entering the town as another.
I left the Thomas and went to the Brooklyn where I met Admiral Knight which proved a very pleasant and helpful association for me, as he had been in Vladivostok for nearly six months and was as well informed about the situation existing in Siberia as anyone. He was generous in sharing his information with me and in extending to the Military all assistance possible and every officer and soldier, arriving with the first troops in Vladivostok, is indebted to him and his officers, for generous assistance at a time when assistance was needed and meant so much to us.
As soon after breakfast as practicable, I went to American Headquarters which had been established in a building owned by a German Mercantile Company. Some Russians claimed to hold an interest in the Company, but I was never satisfied that this interest was not arranged before the Germans left Vladivostok, after the beginning of the World War. The building was admirably adapted for the Headquarters, as it was large enough to furnish office rooms, as well as living quarters for officers.
During the day, Colonel Styer gave me complete information as to what had been done prior to my arrival. I learned that the 27th Infantry was taking part in a combined action against the enemy. The enemy being represented to me as Bolsheviks and German prisoners. I was satisfied that the American troops were not departing from the announced policy of the United States Government to refrain from taking any part in Russian affairs.
General Otani (Japanese) was the senior in rank of the Allied Commanders. In the afternoon of September 2, I called upon General Otani and, in a very few moments after I met him, he asked me if I had instructions that he was to command American troops. I told him I did not have such instructions, but, on the contrary, I had limitations placed upon me as to the use of American troops, that would make it necessary for me to give all orders for future movements. He said that he had been notified by the U. S. State Department that he would be in command. I was informed that when Colonel Styer landed in Vladivostok, he called upon the senior Allied Commander and asked if there were any suggestions as to the best means of cooperation. General Otani had not arrived at that time, and General Oi ( Japanese) was the senior of the Allies in Vladivostok. General Oi told Colonel Styer that, in view of the fact that General Otani had been designated, at the request of the American Government, for the supreme command, his arrival, which was expected very soon, might well be awaited. On August 18 General Otani issued the following order:
" I have the honor to inform you that I have been appointed Commander of the Japanese Army at Vladivostok, by His Majesty, the Emperor of Japan, and that I am entrusted, unanimously, by the Allied Powers, with the command of their Armies in the Russian Territory of the Far East -
" The cooperation and the friendship between our Armies will easily permit, from the point of view of their command, of rapidity of action and of success without any difficulty. I hope, with all my heart, that our Armies will work together for the common aim."
(signed) General Otani,
Commander-in-chief of Allied Armies.
Colonel Styer was puzzled at this order as he had received no instruction to that effect from the United States Government. He cabled to Washington requesting information, and Washington replied that General Graves would soon be in Vladivostok and that he had instructions relating to such matters; this only made the question more puzzling to Colonel Styer. I have never known, even to this day, the meaning of such a remarkable order. I came to know General Otani quite well, and I feel that some one had led him to believe that he was to be in command of all Allied troops. He was not a man to assume such authority and, besides, he was a soldier and well knew that Allied Commanders could not give up command of troops without specific instructions. The question was never again mentioned, except once in February, 1920, by General Oi who, at that time, had succeeded General Otani in command of Japanese troops. The order applied to all Allied troops, but was never referred to so far as I know, during my stay in Siberia. I have always supposed that some diplomatic agent, not knowing the difference between " Allied Commander " and senior of the Allied Commanders, in order to appear agree-able, told some Japanese representative that General Otani would be the Commander of the Allied forces. I found General Otani to be a very agreeable man, and disposed to be fair in the handling of questions relating to our respective forces. The trouble was, one had to insist upon seeing him and insist very forcefully before you could get by his Staff. The Japanese Staff was very aggressive and would take advantage, or try to do so, of every opportunity to enhance their own prestige with the class they were supporting.
General Otani told me an amusing incident that occurred while General Grant was in Japan during his trip around the world. General Otani had just graduated from the military school and had been designated as orderly for General Grant. He said he was very anxious to do the right thing, and he could not make up his mind whether it showed more respect to General Grant, for him to carry his sabre in the scabbard or carry it in his hand; he tried to get advice but no one seemed able to help him, so he finally decided he should draw his sabre, as soon as he reported and carry it as if on a military duty. The first day he reported, he drew his sabre and, with much discomfort, carried it all day in his hand. The next day when he reported, and drew his sabre, General Grant patted him on the shoulder and said, " Young man, you had better put that in the scabbard, you might stick some one with it."
As I was very much impressed by the solemn assurance of the United States that they would not intervene in the internal conflicts of the Russian people, I was anxious to know the composition of the forces against which the Allies and the United States were operating north of Vladivostok. All assured me that Bolsheviks had been organized and joined by German and Austrian prisoners and were planning to take the stores at Vladivostok. Colonel Styer had cabled on August 19, the estimate of the situation, as given by the Japanese Chief of Staff. The plan of operations was:
" First take Habarovsk, 15,000 armed enemy this sector; then advance west by Amur and Manchuria.-General Otani stated that in his judgment present forces, assigned to expedition, are insufficient to accomplish mission which was and remains solely the extrication of the Czechs west of Irkutsk, between whom and us are 40,000 enemy forces and a long double line of communications, to make secure; the Czechs, west of Irkutsk, have little ammunition left and are otherwise in a pitiable plight, so much so that their relief before winter is imperative, if they are to survive. He asked all Allied Commanders to so represent to their Governments, and that they themselves, send all forces immediately available, and request Japan to send troops at once in sufficient numbers to meet the situation. Japan has ready many troops."
With reference to this statement the natural inquiry is, where did General Otani get his information? Was this statement based upon information, or was it entirely Japanese propaganda? At this time it was not possible to send or to receive information from the section west of Irkutsk, and when communications were opened, we learned from Colonel Emerson, that on July 12, the Czech troops occupied Irkutsk and, subsequently, took up the work of consolidating their control of the communications across Lake Baikal and around its Southern end. As previously stated the Czechs, by concerted action, had taken the Siberian towns west of Irkutsk on May 28, and Vladivostok as early as June 28, and had established a new Siberian Government in most of the towns taken. This new Government was not as radical as the Soviets, but fell short of being Absolutists.
As early as the Spring of 1918, Japan had made representations to the Allied Powers, that: " Because of her interests, she was placed in a special position, and asked that should the occupation of Vladivostok and the Chinese Eastern and Amur railways be necessary, that the task be left to her alone." The United States, or more accurately speaking the President of the United States, opposed this request on the grounds that the Russians would be likely to misconstrue such action.
In the light of subsequent knowledge of the actual situation west of Irkutsk, the only logical inference from General Otani's statement is that Japan was not, as stated by her on August 3, 1918, actuated only by sentiments of sincere friendship toward the Russian people. She, undoubtedly, had not given up her ambition to occupy Eastern Siberia. No one could have been associated with Japanese military representatives, as I was in Siberia, and escape the conviction that they always hoped to occupy Eastern Siberia.
In trying to analyse the situation as given by General Otani on August 19, one must conclude that the Japanese Military Intelligence was absolutely ignorant of the real conditions, or that their statement was not candid, but aimed to satisfy what they presumed to be Allied desires, by exaggerating the magnitude of the military problem and recommending heavy reinforcements. At the time General Otani asked for heavy reinforcements, he ordered an offensive which must be construed as indicating that he had confidence that the troops at his disposal could defeat the enemy long be-fore the requested reinforcements could arrive in Siberia, and, as a matter of fact, the actual military movements ordered by General Otani, proved to be little more than skirmishes. The Japanese, subsequently, directed all movements so that success was accomplished, without American troops getting into the first line positions and observation, which placed the Americans in the position of not being able to verify by observation, reports of casualties and strength of enemy forces. The Intelligence officer of the American forces, after a careful inspection of the battle field at Kraevski said:
" My judgement is that the strength of the enemy, previous to the combat, at Kraevski, as given to us by the Japanese General Staff, and by the Allied Intelligence officers, was greatly exaggerated, as was also the current estimate of the enemy casualties."
On the 6th of September the Japanese Command issued an order practically ending the Ussuri Campaign, if it may be so designated, and directed the following movement :
" The Army will concentrate at Habarovsk the main body of the 12th Division and a portion of the American and the Chinese Armies; to defeat the Austro-German prisoners and Bolsheviki troops, who are to the east of Zeya and important points along the Amur railway."
As another indication that Japan was not candid in her representations or in her action I was informed that the United States and Japan were each to send about ten thousand troops to Siberia, but later Japan said, for organizational reasons, she wanted to send twelve thousand men. The United States consented to the increase. Between October 11 and 17, 1918, I made an inspection of United States troops as far north as Habarovsk and east of Habarovsk to Bira (about one hundred and twenty-five miles) west of Habarovsk, and I found nearly all towns occupied, in part at least, by Japanese troops. I had previously been informed that Japanese troops were at various places on the Southern line of the Trans-Siberian, as far west as Chita. On October 18, I reported to the War Department that Japan had at least sixty thousand troops in Siberia and it was disclosed later, that I had underestimated the number by twelve thousand. There was no military situation demanding this increase and if Japan felt there was such a situation, she would undoubtedly have notified the United States with whom she had the agreement to send only twelve thousand men. I have excellent reasons for stating she did not notify the United States that she had sent seventy two thousand men to Siberia.
After my trip north, I was forced to the conclusion that Japan was indulging in both political and military maneuvers, and it soon became apparent that Japan was not the only nation working at cross-purposes with the announced policy of the United States; it is known that England was not only willing but as early as March, 1918, had asked Japan to occupy the Trans-Siberian Railway. She gave as a reason for this request, " That Japan could control the only line of communication, by which aid could be extended to anti-Bolshevik movements in South Russia." In this connection the following suggestions were made by the military representatives of the Supreme War Council:
" If Japan demands some compensations for her efforts it may be necessary to acquiesce in her occupying a small portion of Eastern Siberia. It is probable that in any case she will take part of Siberia, but this may prevent her from looking for expansion elsewhere."
When I left the United States for Siberia, I did not anticipate that I would be involved in the political squabbles of the Far East, but very soon after my arrival in Vladivostok, I learned that every act of an American, civil or military representative, was represented as designed for political effect in the Far East. This was true of all Russians and practically all Allies.
At the time of my arrival in Vladivostok, when the Allied representatives spoke of Russians, they meant the old Czarist officials, who felt it was then safe enough for them to appear in their gorgeous uniforms every evening, and parade down Svetlanskaya, the principal thoroughfare. The other class was called " Bolsheviks," although, as a matter of fact, the old Czarist officials did not claim to be in favour of the reestablishment of a Czar in Russia, and the Russians called Bolsheviks, did not claim to be in favour of the Soviet Government. The line of cleavage between these two classes, however, was distinct enough for anyone to recognize. There was no such thing as the mingling of the two. The old Czarist officials could see nothing but meanness, rascality, and everything else bad, in any Russian who did not agree with them as to what should be done to restore the Motherland to a pre-revolution status. As the Allies were so opposed to bolshevism, and every form and degree of liberalism was classed as such, they were dealing almost exclusively with the former Czarist officials. The word " bolshevism " was so extended as to easily take in the Zemstvos, a body elected by the people, with a right of suffrage extended to all males and females of twenty one years of age. This situation resulted in all activities in Vladivostok, such as telegraph, mail, passport, and civil control of the town, being in the hands of former Czarist officials. They were not slow to organize so as to make the most of this advantage and were soon reaping their revenge on Russians who had dared to act contrary to their beliefs.
All Allied representatives seemed to know that the principal reason for sending United States troops to Siberia was to help the Czechs, but as they occupied not only Vladivostok, but all towns from there to the Urals, some other claim had to be advanced, if the United States continued on to the Western part of Siberia. On September 8, I cabled the War Department:
" Practically all organized resistance, in Siberia, has disappeared."
The old thought of forming an Eastern front had not entirely gone, notwithstanding President Wilson's steadfast determination that the United States would take no part in it. The American soldiers had been brought into Siberia by misrepresentation, and the natural query among Allied representatives was, why not use the same method to get them into European Russia, in order to achieve their purpose by indirect means?
The Allies had apparently sensed the fact that President Wilson was intensely interested in the fate of the Czechs. I was not only ignorant as to the discussions which led to intervention, but I was ignorant as to the political schemes of the Far East. For a few days, I was disposed to take the statements of prominent Allies at full value, and act accordingly. I find from my records that on September 12, I notified the War Department that the Czechs were returning to the West to help out the Czechs west of the Urals. On the 8th of September, I was notified that the English, French, Japanese, and Czechs desired to go as far as the Volga River before winter, and desired to know the attitude of the United States.
On September 19, I cabled:
" French and English are, undoubtedly, trying to get the Allied forces committed to some act which will result in the establishment of an Eastern front."
On, or about, September 9, Captain Hasurak, Czech, General Gaida's Adjutant, arrived in Vladivostok from the West, and reported that the Czech situation west of the Urals, was such as to demand immediate assistance from the Allies. On September 27, I received a cable stating that American forces would not go further west than Lake Baikal, and stating that if the Czechs withdrew to the westward, my responsibility would extend only to helping keep the line open. I was notified that the message of the President, relative to the use of troops in Russia and Siberia, had been sent to all Allied Governments, and this helped me very materially in my dealing with the Allied representatives.
The Allies, however, were not willing to play the Siberian tune with many strings to their bow; that would leave too many chances for discord. They had, early in the game, represented to the United States Government the advisability of organizing an inter-Allied Board whose duties, among others, would be to insure unity of action towards the Russian people, and deciding political disputes. This was flatly disapproved by the United States Government, but as will be shown later, this was not the end of the efforts to secure unity of action. There could be no such thing as unity of action because the representatives of England, France, and Japan were partisans in the Russian conflicts and I was not. This made cooperation impossible as long as my orders remained as originally issued.
Soon after the Armistice, the representatives of England and France began to criticize me for my failure to cooperate, and spoke of the Russian faction supported by them as " the forces of law and order," and by implication, charging other Russian factions as representing lawlessness and disorder. This designation was not in accord with the facts, and, undoubtedly, was adopted because it sounded well where real conditions were not known.
The senior Japanese representative at the Conference on Limitation of Armanent, at Washington, D. C. in 1921, and 1922, made a statement to the Conference that about the time the Allied troops were dispatched to Siberia, Japan decided to give Semeonoff material support, " in order to check the Bolshevik influence from permeating the Far East" " and that Japan was only following the line of policy adopted by some of the Allied Powers, notably Great Britain and France, to entrust to Russian forces the task of resisting the Bolshevik menace." This is good evidence that England, France, and Japan had an understanding before they sent troops to Siberia, and that one great purpose of intervention was to fight bolshevism.
The action of the representatives of England, France, and Japan during the entire time I was in Siberia, coupled with the information that has come to light since intervention, leads one irresistably to the conclusion that there were two main reasons for military intervention in Siberia. The first reason was the desire to take action which would aid the Allies in the prosecution of the War; the second reason was the desire to resist the spread of Bolshevistic ideas. I am unable to say which of the two ideas predominated in the decision for Allied intervention. My lack of experience in international affairs, lead me at first to give too much credence to the statements of various Nationals as to the objects to be attained by intervention in Siberia. The private discussions by the representatives of England, France, and Japan, as to the reasons for intervention in Russia, as subsequently disclosed, stressed the need for preventing the spread of bolshevism to the Far East.
In a book by Frederick Lewis Schuman, entitled " American Policy Toward Russia," pages 96 and 97, appears the following :
" The American Consul Grey, at Omsk, received a cipher message from the American Consulate at Samara, dated July 22, 1918, which transmitted a communication from Consul General Poole, in Moscow, under date of June 18 : " You may inform the Czecho-Slovak leaders, confidentially, that pending further notice the Allies will be glad, from a political point of view, to have them hold their present position. On the other hand they should not be hampered in meeting the military exigency of the situation. It is desirable first of all, that they should secure the control of the Trans-Siberian Railway, and second, if this is assumed at the same time possible, (possibly) retain control over the territory which they now dominate. Inform the French representative that the French Consul General joins in these instructions ! "
The Mr. Poole referred to, is the same man who later had charge of Russian Affairs in the State Department in Washington. This shows that American Consul General Poole,, in European Russia, without giving his authority, on June 18, 1918, was taking sides in the Russian conflict in Siberia, while on June 8, Consul General Harris, in Siberia, said that all United States Government representatives had specific instructions not to take sides in Russian affairs, and not to take sides in party strife. Mr. Harris pursued this policy until July 2, when he stated that he received confirmation from the " Peking Legation " of the intention of the United States to engage in military intervention, which had for its object hostile action against the Soviets, no matter what reasons were publicly stated. As previously noted, I received my orders, written July 17, on August 3, which were given, not only to the United States Military, but were in the form of a policy, applicable to all United States representatives, in which there were definite, clear, and positive instructions that no United States representative would intervene or take sides in Russian affairs. My instructions came direct from Washington, but I have never seen any statement that Mr. Poole was acting under instructions from the State Department, when he decided to advise the Czechs, in the name of the Allies, to take certain action, which could only be construed by them as a statement by the senior United States Representative in Russia, that the United States was a party to intervention in Siberia. Mr. Harris cites as his authority for changing from "non-interference " to the policy of taking sides, the confirmation from " Peking Legation " of a report handed around in Western Siberia, by Major Guinet of France. The Peking Legation was not competent to give instructions to Consul General Harris, and if it was transmitting instructions from Washington, why was Washington not given as the authority for the change in policy?
The different policies followed by the representatives of the United States in European Russia and in Siberia, unfortunately create a justifiable belief that the United States was not entirely frank and candid in its dealings with the Russian people. Mr. Poole's suggestion to the Czechs that " they should not be hampered in meeting the military exigencies of the situation " had the appearance of containing intended and carefully prepared subtleties. If I had to determine the meaning of this sentence, I should unhesitatingly say it was a subtle suggestion to the Czechs that the Allies would not object to their beginning military operations against the Soviets. I realize, however, that the sentence is so worded that Mr. Poole, if the occasion arose, could deny that he had such an idea.
Mr. Poole certainly could not think that the Czech Military would wait for the approval of the Allied Consular representatives in Moscow, before taking action to meet " the military exigencies of the situation " in Siberia, especially when the record shows it took one month and four days for the message from Mr. Poole to reach Consul Grey in Omsk. Why was Consul General Poole sending information to the Czechs as to what the Allies desired? It seems to me he was used by the Allied representatives in European Russia to pull a chestnut out of the fire for them.
This action of Mr. Poole's resulted in a very notice-able resentment against the United States by the Czechs who remained in Western Siberia. This was so palpable when these Czechs arrived in Vladivostok, that I took up the question with Czech Headquarters to ascertain the cause.
Mr. Poole by his communication led the Czechs, or helped lead them, to believe the United States and the Allies were going to intervene in Siberia. As a result of this belief the Czechs willingly remained in Western Siberia, always hoping and expecting that United States and Allied troops would soon come to their assistance.
These Czechs not only experienced great hardships during the Winter of 1918 and 1919, but many of them lost their lives in fighting the Bolsheviks in an effort to secure and keep control of the Trans-Siberian Railway, at the request of the Allies. Put yourself in the place of the Czech soldiers, and ask yourself if, under the circumstances, you would have any resentment?
How can the action of Consul General Poole be reconciled with the statement of Consul General Harris (quoted in the second chaer) made the 8th of June, ten days before the message of Mr. Poole was conveyed to the Czechs, through Consul Grey? Mr. Harris says on the 8th:
" The President of the United States has issued specific instructions to all official representatives of the United States in Russia, to in no way interfere, recognize or become mixed up with any faction or partisan strife in Russia or Siberia."
There were American soldiers in Archangel during the time Mr. Poole was Consul General, and if reports are true, and there is no doubt in my mind as to their accuracy, the direction of American troops was turned over to the British. A participant in the campaign has recorded his impressions in a book entitled, " Archangel, The American War with Russia." In this work on page 30 the writer says:
" No war, but in the province of Archangel, on six scattered battle-fronts, American soldiers, under British command, were ` standing to' behind snow trenches and improvised barricades, while soldiers of the Soviet cause crashed Porn Porn projectiles at them, and shook them with high explosives and shrapnel, blasted them with machine-guns, and sniped at any reckless head that showed from cover ! "
On page 75 of this same book, the writer states:
" Also there was an American Consulate, with an American Consul-General, DeWitt C. Poole, who at times appeared to take over a supervision of the American share in this strange, strange war with Russia."
On page 28, the writer gives some instructions, cabled by the State Department to the American Ambassador, on August 3, 1918, (the day my instructions were made public). These instructions, in so far as object to be attained by the troops in Northern Russia goes, were identical with that part of my instructions previously quoted. This seems to justify the conclusion that the United States troops in Northern Russia had the same general instructions as to policies that were given the troops in Siberia. It is not possible for me to make any definite statement about the expedition to Northern Russia, because, so far as I know, the United States has not given any information to the public relative to the expedition to Siberia or to North-ern Russia, but if these two expeditions had the same instructions, how is it possible that the Archangel expedition was used in hostile combat against the Soviet forces, while the Siberian expedition was not? This hostile action against the Soviets, was particularly puzzling as the President stated to the United States Senate on June 26, 1919:
" The instructions to General Graves direct him not to interfere in Russian affairs." If the same instructions applied in Northern Russia, as seems very probable, why did the United States troops in Northern Russia interfere in Russian affairs?
When in Siberia, I had never seen any definite statement as to the policy of France, but such statement was unnecessary, as the actions of the French representatives clearly showed they were following the same policy as the English and the Japanese, and the correctness of this surmise was confirmed by a statement made on behalf of the French Government at the Limitation of Arms Conference, which was, in part:
" The French Government would have the same feelings, the formal assurance given by Baron Shidehara of the intention of the Japanese Government concerning Siberia; of Japan's desire to withdraw her troops from Russia as soon as possible; of its firm purpose to respect the integrity of Russia. France accepted these assurances with all the more pleasure because it was exactly the program which the French Government had adopted in 1918."
I could never reconcile the statements of the Allied representatives relative to intervention in Russia, with the actions of their representatives in Siberia. The word " Bolshevik," as used in Siberia, covered most of the Russian people and to use troops to fight Bolsheviks or to arm, equip, feed, clothe or pay white Russians to fight them was utterly inconsistent with " non-interference with the internal affairs of Russia." If England, France, and Japan intended to use their troops in fighting bolshevism when they entered Siberia, why was this intention not made public at that time? It is difficult for a layman to understand diplomatic language.
Fortunately, for the comfort of the troops, we were very comfortably settled before the Russian and Allied representatives in Vladivostok knew what my attitude would be towards " combating bolshevism." It was very easy for the Russians to help secure quarters or, it was equally as easy for them to say they could give no assistance. The officials who were said to have been put in authority by the Russians, and were really put in positions by the Allies, were all pro-Czarist, and were very anxious for the Americans to see the necessity for the establishment of some form of Government in Russia, that would restore them to the same position, or, at least, the same pay status, as they had during the Czarist regime. They gave us every assistance in getting settled. Czarist Russia had planned to make Vladivostok such a strong military station that it could be defended from an attack from the sea, with probable success, and in their plans they had built excellent barracks for many thousand men. These bar-racks were very comfortable, with the exceion of bathing facilities which did not exist. No effort had been made since the Russian soldiers had left the bar-racks in 1914, to keep the civil population from using them and, as a consequence, they were frightfully filthy.
After they were cleaned, however, they were much more comfortable than I had expected to find them. As the population increased to about two hundred thousand, to be housed in a place built for half that number and, as the number of Allied troops increased and the Russian troops were mobilized, the demand for barracks became very pressing. We would not give up the barracks we obtained when we first arrived and, in this way, we were able to comply with War Department orders, as to the required air space for soldiers, although at times it became embarrassing to justify the need of twice the air space considered necessary for a Japanese or Russian soldier.
Some of our troops had to be distributed along the railroad to guard bridges or culverts, as the supply requirements made it necessary to keep the railroad open. These men generally lived in a box car, more often than not the car was removed from the running gear, put on the ground, and banked with dirt when possible. Most of the cars were of double thickness and, while not comfortable, were better than one would expect to find in a cold country like Siberia.
Soon after my arrival, I inquired as to arrangements made for paying for the building taken for Head-quarters and I was informed that the building belonged to Germans and that no questions were asked as to payment. I wanted all financial dealings of the United States kept up to date so as to avoid claims after American troops had left Siberia, so I ordered a board of officers to consult the owners or agents and, if no agreement could be reached as to the price we should pay, to submit a report to me. Some Russians claimed ownership to the building and had papers that seemed to justify their claim. These Russians said the rental was worth eight thousand a month, but as we were Americans, they would only charge us six thousand. The board went to see the Russian who was acting Mayor, and found that the cost of all buildings was on record as, also, was the amount the owner should charge for use of his building in case it was taken for military purposes. In case of congestion of the people of Vladivostok, the law provided for an increase of fifty per-cent over the normal rent. If we complied with the law in force in Vladivostok, the most we could pay for the building was seven hundred and fifty a month instead of eight thousand. I was surprised when the Mayor asked us not to pay the owner more than the legal rate. This was a bright spot in my dealings with official Russians. This official of the city had, however, been elected by the citizens of Vladivostok.
Colonel Styer, prior to my arrival, had gotten some large buildings belonging to the railroad, to be used as storerooms. These were excellent for the purpose, and could be reached by our Transports, except when the harbour was frozen over. They were at the extreme southern end of the bay and about three miles from American Headquarters. The ice-breakers could not operate this far down, but there was a narrow gauge railway that enabled us to get our supplies to our store houses without hauling.
General Horvath, while in charge of Russian affairs in the Far East, came to me and apologized for asking rent for these buildings, as Americans were helping to keep the railroad open, but said they needed some money and the United States was the only country from which they had any hope of getting funds. I told him I would not approve the payment but I would send his request to Washington. I disapproved the request, stating that to pay rent for buildings occupied by troops guarding the railway was analogous to sending troops to guard a man's house, and paying the man for the use of his stable while guarding his house. I was very much surprised when the paper came back, directing me to pay five or six thousand dollars a month for the use of these emy buildings.
As the Czech question had been settled, if there ever had been a Czech question in Siberia previous to my arrival in Vladivostok, and as I was told not to intervene in the internal conflicts, there was nothing left for United States troops to do but to help carry out the part of my instructions which stated: " the only legitimate object for which American or Allied troops can be employed, is to guard military stores, which may subsequently be needed by Russian forces." Before I could take any steps " to render such aid, as may be acceable, to the Russians in the organization of their own self-defense," manifestly some decision had to be made as to what faction constituted the Russians referred to in the policy. The decision could only be made in Washington and the conditions were such that you could not render any assistance to any Russian, with-out throwing overboard the policy of non-intervention in their internal affairs. I could not give a Russian a shirt without being subjected to the charge of trying to help the side to which the recipient of the shirt belonged.
As to protecting property; there was evidence every-where, that the property needed protection, not from the German and Austrian prisoners, but from anyone who wanted to take it. The hills were covered with property of all kinds, which had been bought by the old Czarist or Kerensky Government and dumped where a place could be found. I was much impressed by a large number of bales of cotton thrown on the ground, with no covering and with nothing under the cotton to protect it from the dampness. There were great piles of rubber that was reported as needed by the Allies, and there must have been at least one thou-sand automobiles that had never been taken out of the crates. Any individual could have taken any of this property if he had desired to do so. There was some safety to it, due to the fact that an individual could not have gotten the property out of Siberia if he had taken it, and he could not have used it in Vladivostok.
At the first meeting of the Military Commanders, I suggested that we, each Allied Commander, have a record of all Russian property taken out, or authorized to be taken out of Vladivostok. The list was to show the destination, and for what purpose it was removed. General Knox, the British Commander, informed me that all of this property had been bought with British money and he proposed to distribute it as he saw fit and that he did not intend anyone should have anything to say about it. I told the Allied Commanders my reasons for wishing the record, but this seemed to excite General Knox more than my first statement. I then in-formed him I had no information about who bought the property, but I felt Russia had satisfied the nation from which she bought it, as to payment before it was delivered. The question was dropped without adoption of my suggestions. This controversy with General Knox, which took place in September, 1918, was again brought to my mind when I read in the Congressional Record of February 26, 1921, that $53,186,352.70, of the money the United States had loaned to the Kerensky Government, had been expended for " ex-change and cotton purchases."
Each day the situation was becoming more tense and it was evident, at each meeting of the Allied Commanders, that the military representatives of England, France, and Japan were standing together on all propositions. I do not believe that any unbiased person, who had personal knowledge of conditions, will claim that the representatives of England, France, and Japan did not take sides in the internal conflicts of the Russian people. These representatives not only did not deny, but boasted about their efforts to destroy, what they called, bolshevism.
It soon became evident at these Allied meetings, that I was an unknown quantity, and their principal darts were fired at me, when any differences arose. There were basic differences in our policies which could never be reconciled as long as my instructions remained. England, France, and Japan always had as their objective to do all the damage possible to Bolsheviks, while I was trying to keep out of trouble with any Russian party. The principle of non-intervention had been broadcast throughout the world and everyone in Siberia, Russian and foreigner, knew of this promise before Allied troops entered Siberia. From my point of view, this policy was sound and there isn't a nation on earth, that would not resent foreigners sending troops into their country, for the purpose of putting this or that faction in charge of their Governmental machinery. The result is not only an injury to the prestige of the foreigner intervening, but is a great handicap to the faction the foreigner is trying to assist.
The moment that the United States took sides in the Russian conflict, which was at variance with the solemn assurance made to the Russian people by President Wilson, her reputation for honesty of purpose and fair dealing was discredited.
The Czechs in Siberia were naturally liberal minded men. They had had enough of autocracy and were willing to fight bolshevism, because they visualized it as being an agent of Germany and Austria, and because it seemed to stand between them and their aspiration to establish a republican Czecho-Slovakia. As soon as they realized that fighting bolshevism meant not only combatting all forms of liberalism, but it meant the placing of what governmental power was left into the hands of people who had held office during the Romanoff dynasty, and who probably had the Czarist ideas as to Government; then the Czech could no longer march in step with England, France, and Japan.
The Canadians and the Chinese (to, use an English expression), could not see " eye to eye," with the three nations above mentioned. As I saw the Canadians, they constituted a conscientious and serious minded force. It is no secret to say they did not believe in the oppressive and repressive measures used by the Kolchak supporters against the people, which measures, if not entirely approved by General Knox and Sir Charles Eliot, were not resented by them. The practices of killing, imprisoning, and beating the people, because they had certain ideas, were repulsive to the Canadians. They could not understand the repeated statements of Governments that they did not intend to depart from the traditional policy of non-interference in the internal affairs of the Russian people and, at the same time, act in a manner that would cause ninety-nine and nine-tenths per-cent of the individuals, who were cognizant of these acts, to construe them as interference of the most objection-able kind.
I was one time notified, by a high ranking Canadian officer, of a serious situation arising in the Canadian forces due to their objection to certain instructions given by Sir Charles Eliot, the British High Commissioner, and soon after the incident the Canadians were sent back to Canada. I have never seen any official statement as to the reason for sending these troops home, but I have seen a printed statement, in an English book, to the effect that they were not entirely satisfactory; as to why they were not satisfactory, the statement did not disclose. To those of us in Siberia, there was no occasion for disclosing the reasons, for that was very apparent. As the Canadian soldiers were under the direction of British authority, the Czarist propagandists did not like to stigmatize them by that terrible word " Bolsheviki," as they would have done had they come from the United States instead of Canada.
The Italian Commander informed me that he had instructions from his Government, to vote with the American representative on every proposition. This placed the representatives of England, France, and Japan in the minority and in an awkward position, as General Knox thought he should shape the actions of the Allied Military representatives in Siberia. As soon as he had decided that the United States would not, under any conditions, take part, either directly or in-directly, in the formation of an Eastern front, he easily switched to the idea that the Allied troops should be used in fighting bolshevism, and when he found him-self often opposed by the majority of the Allied Commanders, his bitterness and resentment grew to a white heat, and he seemed to be especially bitter against Admiral Knight and me. It was often brought to me that he was very open in his criticism of President Wilson and his resentment was so intense that he forgot him-self and, more than once, criticized the United States representatives where the criticism was resented. One evening, at the British dinner table where an American was present as a guest, he characterized Admiral Knight and me as being stupid and stubborn.
During September General Gaida came to Vladivostok, and I met him for the first time. He was accompanied by General Paris, the senior French officer in the Far East at the time, and by other French officers.
General Paris also had ambitions to form an Eastern front and was inclined to be critical of Americans for not doing as he thought they should do. General Gaida was a young man, about twenty-eight at the time, and flushed by his success at Irkutsk. I thought it advisable to tell him not to expect American troops to go west of Lake Baikal, as he was being used by Allied representatives to do what he could to get each nation to send troops west.
Unfortunately, for unity of action, Dr. Teusler, handling the American Red Cross, came into the picture at this time, and it seemed to be very common knowledge that he was a cousin of Mrs. Woodrow Wilson. He was a very staunch Autocrat and had lived in Japan for something like eighteen years. He probably expected to return to Japan when he finished his Red Cross work in Siberia, or at least he did return to Japan. He appeared to be more in sympathy with the British, French, and Japanese attitude than he was with the American policy of non-interference.
As soon as General Gaida had left me, Dr. Teusler told him that he knew this was the announced policy of the United States, but if a situation should arise where the Czech found it necessary to telegraph me that they needed military assistance, I would not dare to refuse and would start American troops west at once. Major Slaughter, United States Army, was present and heard this statement of Dr. Teusler and, as soon as he had an opportunity, copied it from memory and sent it to me. Dr. Teusler being a relative of Mrs. Wilson's, caused foreigners to attach more importance to his views of policy, than they would if he had not been so related. Major Slaughter also reported that General Paris, while travelling west with General Gaida, " had criticized the attitude of the United States to the Czechs and that it is doing us considerable harm, at the present time."
In September, Semeonoff, who was later shown to be a murderer, robber and a most dissolute scoundrel, also came to see me. He was being financed by Japan and had no convictions that would interfere with his doing as the Japanese directed. He always remained within striking distance of Japanese troops. As a matter of fact, he had to do this because he could not have existed one week in Siberia, if he had not had the protection of Japan. He was always talking about " the restoration of the Motherland."
During September and October the Allied representatives and the Russian representatives were trying to " size me up " and I, at the same time, was trying to " size them up." I do not know what success they had, but, as for myself, I was being disillusioned very fast. I had expected to find representatives of the Allies and Russians with no motives other than to help Russia. Russians belonging to different political factions, such as Monarchists and Social revolutionists, or classes such as peasants, as well as representatives of the Zemstvo, were coming to see me, evidently with an idea of determining what my attitude was going to be to-wards their problems, and I was glad to tell them that the United States troops would not interfere in their internal affairs or political questions. This, as was to be expected, pleased some and disappointed others. In October, a Russian officer in Czarist military uniform, came to my office and said he was an official, or at least he held some official position. This man told me I was seeing people whose policies they objected to and the people he represented wanted me to stop seeing them. I asked him how they expected me to keep in touch with conditions and he replied, " We will furnish you with all the information it is necessary for you to know." I told him I would talk to anyone I pleased. The Russian, in true Cossack style, stood up, clapped his heels together, saluted, left my office, and I had made enemies of another Russian faction. I was amused and thought such an idea could only be found in an autocratic country like old Russia. Later, however, General Knox came to me and said that " I was getting the reputation of being a friend of thepoor and didn't I know they were only swine."
On October 11, I left Vladivostok for Habarovsk and beyond, with a view to inspecting the 27th Infantry. We obtained a special train but the train service was most uncertain. We had, however, a field clerk at American Headquarters, who had been employed as a railway manager on this same railroad, and he was able to push the train through in excellent time. The country through which we passed was intensely interesting because of unexpected fertility of the soil which produced very fine grain, hay and, in fact, nearly any-thing the peasants used. At one place near Nikolsk, the land was a rolling prairie, entirely planted in wheat, and at another place, the land, as far as one could see on both sides of the track, had also been planted in wheat. There were no detached houses, such as one sees in the United States, but the peasants lived in villages and sometimes went five, six, or seven miles to their fields. They did not need to fence their hay fields. They went out at the proper time to cut their hay, stacked it on the ground, put a fence around it, and left it until it was needed for the animals. I was informed they generally turned the animals into the small corral around the hay stack, left them as long as there was any hay, and then would move on to another stack. I was told the grain consisted, generally, of wheat, oats, and buckwheat. The country we passed through the first day was very much like parts of Nebraska or Kansas.
Our sleeper on this trip was a first class Trans-Siberian coach. These are large wooden coaches with nine compartments and an aisle running down one side of the car. The compartments can be opened or separated by sliding doors, as the occupants desire. The cars have lower and upper berths, running crosswise the car, instead of lengthwise. The berths are wider and give more room than the Pullmans in the United States. The tracks in Siberia are five feet wide, instead of four feet eight inches as in the United States.
On the morning of October 12, we began to see some of the trees, said to be so plentiful in Siberia. I saw a thin coating of ice on a pool of water which was the first I had seen, although this was nearly four hundred miles north of Vladivostok.
We arrived at Habarovsk at 1o A.M., and spent the day inspecting the quarters of the officers and men of the 27th Infantry. I was very much pleased with their winter accommodations.
In September, during the campaign, or at least when we thought the Japanese were conducting a campaign, some of the 27th Infantry had been sent west of Habarovsk as far as Bira, about one hundred and twenty-five miles. They also occupied three or four towns between Habarovsk and Bira and I wanted to see how these men were faring. I took Colonel Styer with me and our train left for Bira at 6 o'clock in the evening, where we arrived the next morning, before daylight. I stepped out of the car as soon after dawn, as possible and the only thing alive, that I could see, was an American soldier, posted as a sentinel, around the railroad station. I asked him what his orders were and he re-plied, " To pick up any papers he saw around the station." I asked him who were in the station, and he said, " some Japanese officers and Japanese soldiers." I looked for the town but could see only a few straggling huts built along the stream. We found the Americans in some old box cars, although the Captain of the Company had gone hunting. I asked the men how they liked it; they were very enthusiastic and said they hoped I would let them spend the winter there. When I inspected the kitchen I noticed they had two large salmon for dinner; I asked where and how they caught them, and they replied, in a pool of water by the river, and that they had caught them by hand. They said squirrels and bear came into their camp. I could see no reason for troops at Bira, and told Colonel Styer to move the Company back to Habarovsk. On the return trip, we stopped and inspected troops at Tchanka and Inn. I could see no reason for keeping troops at any of, these stations, so ordered that all be brought to Habarovsk.
I have often wondered why the Japanese wanted troops at these out of the way stations and the only conclusion I could come to was that they felt if they could keep troops at such stations, Japan could justify sending seventy-two thousand men to Siberia instead of twelve thousand as agreed upon with the United States.
On the trip from Bira to Habarovsk, we saw miles of beautiful woods which were part of the three hundred million acres of virgin timber east of Lake Baikal. I don't know enough about trees to say what kinds these were, but it is claimed there are between fifty and sixty varieties in Siberia.
Just before reaching Habarovsk, we passed over the Amur River on one of the most beautiful bridges I ever saw and it is said to be the third longest bridge in the world. It is of steel construction, lighted by electricity and consists of twenty-five spans.
When I reached Habarovsk, I saw General Oi, Japanese Commander of the 12th Division, and notified him that I had ordered the removal of all American troops from west of Habarovsk. I also met for the first time, the notorious murderer, robber, and cut-throat Kalmikoff. He was the worst scoundrel I ever saw or ever heard of and I seriously doubt, if one should go entirely through the Standard Dictionary, looking for words descriive of crime, if a crime could be found that Kalmikoff had not committed. He was armed and financed by Japan, in their efforts " to help the Russian people." I say this advisedly, because I have evidence that would satisfy any open-minded person. Kalmikoff murdered with his own hands, where Semeonoff ordered others to kill, and therein lies the difference between Kalmikoff and Semeonoff. To use a Russian expression, Kalmikoff was " liquidated " (killed) by the Chinese when he was driven out of Siberia and tried to take refuge in China. Semeonoff was later driven out of Siberia and took refuge in Japan where he still lives.
I invited Mr. Carl W. Ackerman, representing the New York Times, and Mr. Herman Bernstein, of the Herald-Tribune, to go with me on my trip to Bira. These gentlemen were very keen observers, very much interested in the Russians and were anxious to learn the policy of the United States.
I have never been able to understand by what means or by what agencies the people of the United States were led to believe our troops went to Siberia to fight bolshevism. I could always understand why certain foreigners misrepresented the policy of American troops in Siberia, because I understood the object of this misrepresentation. The New York Times was certainly well informed on all International questions during the Wilson administration, and no paper in the United States had a better opportunity for obtaining real facts. Mr. Carl Ackerman, a representative of this paper, came to Siberia in October, 1918 and later stated, with reference to a conversation I had with an officer relative to the arrest of a Russian because he said he was a Bolshevik, that my instructions to the officer, " was the first intimation he had that the United States did not consider the Bolsheviks, everywhere, as enemies of the Allies."
As an indication of the erroneous impression that prevails, as to the use of American troops in Siberia, an article, in the New York Times of December 7, 1930, purports to give an account of a reply made by the late General Bliss, to a proposal by Marshal Foch for Allied action against Russia, at a meeting March 27, 1919, of the Big Four. The information contained in the article is reported as coming from Mr. Herbert Bayard Swope, who was chairman of the press delegation, to the Paris Peace Conference. The statement, in part is:
" Before the Armistice the United States, in common with other Allies, had sent troops into Russia to prevent, among other things, the possible caure of Russian munition supplies by the Germans. These troops were now in Siberia assisting White Russian detachments in fighting the Red armies."
The United States troops in Siberia, never engaged in fighting Red troops, before or after the Armistice. They did take part in a campaign in September, 1918, but the enemy forces were reported as being partly composed of German and Austrian prisoners. I believed this report, else American troops would not have taken part in this campaign.
In the same article, above referred to, appeared a purported statement of President 'Wilson also in reply to Marshal Foch's proposal as follows:
" To send troops, would be to create a state of War, into which the United States could not enter without a former declaration, by Congress, so I could not send a man, even if I wanted to, which I do not."
The United States never entered into a state of War with Russia, or any faction of Russia. It was equally as unconstitutional to use American troops in hostile action in Siberia against any faction of Russia, as it would have been to send them to Russia with a view to using them in hostile action against the Russians. If I had permitted American troops to be used in fighting " Red armies," as stated, I would have taken an immense responsibility upon myself, as no one above me, in authority, had given me any such orders. The fact that I did not permit American troops to be so used was responsible for nine-tenths of the criticism directed against us, while in Siberia. I was told by General Leonard Wood, upon my return from the Far East in December, 1920, that if I did not have copies of my papers I would be " torn limb from limb, in the United States, because I did not take part in fighting bolshevism."
It was decided early in September, just after my arrival in Siberia, that it would be advisable to send troops to the Suchan Coal Mines with a view to opening the mines. These mines were situated about seventy-five miles east of Vladivostok and supplied coal for the Primorsk province and for the operation of the railroads in Eastern Siberia. The last forty-eight versts of the trip to the mines was made on a narrow gauge road, operated by cable. The political pot had been boiling around these mines for some time prior to the arrival of the Allied troops, and the controversies had virtually stopped operations. Allied Commanders unselfishly decided that the United States should look after this section. I consented and we sent a company of 250 Americans, a company of Japanese troops, and one Company of Chinese; all to be under the super-vision of an American officer in so far as guards were concerned. This proved to be the " stormy petrel " of all our Siberian experiences. At this period of intervention, the Allied Commanders conferred as to conditions at Suchan and as to what was best to be done. The manager of the mines had previously been run out by the Bolsheviks, but the Allied Commanders thought it was advisable to return him, as he knew the mines and would probably produce more coal and incidentally more trouble for the Americans. This undertaking, at best, required military, political, and economic consideration. To return the old manager added materially to the political complications. The manager, however, said he was an engineer and politics never entered into his calculations, but we found he changed considerably after he got his old job back and he soon became an ardent advocate of the old Czarist methods in dealing with the miners.
In order to get first hand information of the situation, I sent my Chief of Staff, Colonel O. P. Robinson, with the first troops to Suchan. He took every occasion to explain to the people that our object was to get out coal for the use, primarily, of the Russians. He found the people friendly and felt that a majority of the former miners were not opposed to the return of the old manager. Colonel Robinson reported upon his return, that he anticipated no trouble unless the manager by reasons of reprisal upon his former opponents provoked opposition. Colonel Robinson tried to show him that it was unwise to begin discharging men be-cause of former troubles. Things went well at first, but soon reports reached me that the Allied Guard was being used for suppression of political activities. I sent the Commanding officer the following telegram:
" Troops must take no part in arresting people, because of their political affiliations, they have no authority to arrest and confine citizens, unless they commit some illegal act. I cannot hold in confinement a Russian citizen, because he has taken part in some meeting."
Animosity and a desire for revenge seemed to exist to an unusual degree around the Suchan mines. Each side was always attributing actions to the representatives of the other side that did not accord with facts. The desire for revenge was deep seated in the Pro-Czarist people against the Soviets, because the Czarists had been driven out of the mines, prior to the arrival of the Allies in Siberia. These mines seemed to be the key points for trouble and will frequently be mentioned in future chaers.